Jan/Feb 25

Many Pakistanis consider the army the root cause of all problems. However, few are aware that it’s far superior to other Pakistani institutions. 

It is crucial to understand that the army is being managed or utilized by the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). Founded in 1948 with the contribution of three services – army, air force, and the navy – the ISI, whose director-general theoretically reports directly to both the prime minister and the COAS (chief of army staff), has  evolved into a powerful juggernaut that controls all the county’s institutions, including the judiciary, bureaucracy, the private and corporate sectors, and its economy and politics. 

This subtle spy organization has become so vast that its boundaries are now indiscernible. Given the popular belief that the country’s troubles are rooted in the army, only a few realize that the ISI is in control. The officers and soldiers know that it is detrimental to the army itself. The field army, including its officers, remains antagonistic and indifferent to this spy organization. This is a significant source of frustration for the entire army, for the ISI is at odds does with the field army. Not surprisingly, the current army-backed coalition government formally legalized intercepting wiretapping on July 8, 2024, giving ISI, the authority under Section 54 of the 1996 Act that gives the government broad powers to intercept calls and messages or trace communications through any telecom system in the name of national security, regardless of existing privacy protections in other laws. Ironically, collation partner Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) had contested their chief, Benazir Bhutto, phone tapping in 1997, the Supreme Court had termed the Act “reprehensible, immoral, illegal and unconstitutional”. This civilian surrender despite, “since 2013, the Investigation for Fair Trial Act has mandated that phone-tapping operations must be approved by a commission or the Supreme Court on a case-by-case basis, limited to six weeks per authorization”.

No area of life is free from the influence of the intelligence agencies. On March 26, six Islamabad High Court (IHC) judges wrote to the Supreme Judicial Council (SJC), urging it to convene a judicial convention over the alleged interference of intelligence agencies in judicial affairs. The letter by the IHC judges’ letter came days after the Supreme Court voided the firing of IHC judge Shaukat Aziz Siddiqui who SJC had sacked on Oct. 11, 2018, based on a speech at the Rawalpindi Bar Association where he accused ISI of influencing court proceedings and forming benches of choice. On 1 May, the Peshawar High Court told the SC that some judges had reported direct approaches from intelligence officials seeking favors in political cases. The Sindh High Court told the SC the necessity of investigating interference in the judiciary by intelligence agencies and suggested prohibiting direct access to judges.

The Methodology

The spy organization’s unique methods enable it to hide behind the army. In fact, they resemble the East India Company’s tactics. A small entity, it controlled all that region’s 500+ princely states through blackmail. The Company stationed a resident in each state to oversee their governance. However, one of the resident’s covert jobs was to entice the rulers or maharajas into wrongdoing while secretly gathering evidence against them and converting the same into personal files. These files were then used to blackmail them into compliance. 

Similarly, the ISI entices and encourages institutional heads to engage in misconduct. This includes arranging stays in five-star hotels and providing escorts and liquor, in addition to hefty bribes. The organization maintains compromising videos and corruption files on not only military officers, but also judges, bureaucrats, politicians, businessmen, artists, actors, writers, and journalists.

For generals, ISI employs a different strategy. It owns and maintains numerous palace-like safehouses in various cities, with young female models and actresses on its payroll, also maintaining secret files on them to ensure their compliance. They are assured of the safehouses’ safety and secrecy. These compromising encounters – which are videotaped – typically happen on weekends under the guise of official duties to ensure their future compliance. The Chief of the Army Staff (COAS), reportedly, routinely spends weekends in ISI managed army guestrooms in Lahore Cantonment. All roads leading to the guestrooms are cordoned off, with alternative routes marked for the public.

A Political Accessory

Ironically, ISI’s political wing – headed by a brigadier within Directorate C – was established (and abundantly used) by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who became Pakistan’s “elected” prime minister by default when the country split in the aftermath of the 1971 war that India waged to carve out Bangladesh. 

The India-based Indo-Asian News Service quoted defense minister Ahmed Mukhtar of then ruling Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party May 4, 2018, that ISI has always had a political wing.During Gen. Kayani’s tenure, it was stated that like the ISI, the Military Intelligence (MI) too had closed its political wing (“MI closes its political wing”, Sept. 20, 2010, The Express Tribune).

Dawn newspaper, drawing from a declassified U.S. embassy source quoted the then national security adviser Mahmud Ali Durrani telling visiting U.S. ambassador Shirin Tahir-Kheli on Nov. 28, 2018, that ISI, is an “institution that can change based on how the political leadership chooses to use it”.

Sher A. Faroukii is a freelance writer.

The post An Agency Gone Rogue appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Sher A. Farouki

Jan/Feb 25

Pakistan’s formidable army, known for its discipline and resilience, can be divided into two groups – second lieutenant to colonel (group 1) and brigadier to general (group 2) – that operate as separate entities within the military hierarchy, with distinct roles and experiences that shape their perspectives and duties.

To comprehend the army’s rank and structure, one must delve into its officers and soldiers’ characteristics and lives. Unfortunately, many within the army and the public are unaware of the stark contrast primarily because the Pakistani Army effectively shields its inner workings from public scrutiny. This practice also  ensures that officers up to the rank of colonel remain largely unaware of broader realities.

Within the army, there is a prevalent belief that commanders must be strict, vigilant, and controlling. From the outset, officers are trained to keep their subordinates continuously occupied with ambitious plans and activities so that the army’s strict criteria won’t be challenged. This relentless approach ensures that troops  formations and exercises are engaged year-round without respite.

In Group 1, the officers and soldiers spend their careers moving from one challenging post to another, often in harsh and isolated environments. The army relies heavily on instilling a sense of extreme religious and national motivation to keep them going.

Such realities take a significant toll on the officers’ mental health. Many come from humble backgrounds and have faced severe deprivation. The iron discipline enforced by the military leaves little room for personal reflection or dissent. The perpetual uncertainty and fear of ostracization weigh heavily upon them. An infantry officer is considered fortunate if he spends even six years out of a 26-year career in a peaceful posting within a major city. These conditions’ cumulative effects often leads to mental strain, making officers eccentric, mentally impaired, and/or highly sensitive to either internal or external scrutiny.

The Unseen Struggles and Transformation of Armed Forces Personnel

Life for all armed forces personnel is tough. They face physical, administrative, mental, and financial challenges. This strain is particularly pronounced for married officers ranging from captain to colonel, who often struggle to make ends meet. Unlike many professions, the Pakistani military offers no opportunities for personal financial gain. It remains a strictly professional field, like many other military organizations worldwide. However, noteworthy that high ranking officers in the U.S. can become millionaires if not at least hundred thousand-aires. 

From the outset of their training at institutions like the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) at Kakul, the cadets are groomed to uphold honesty, ethics, and loyalty to their nation and profession. These values become their hallmark However, a significant shift occurs at the major general rank, when an officer’s status transforms into something almost untouchable. From that point forward he is often referred to as a “holy cow,” beyond the usual bounds of accountability. Around 2% of a given cohort  achieve this rank. 

This elevation comes with profound changes – newfound authority, a presumed infallibility, and the constant presence of sycophants can foster a detrimental “above the law” mentality. For many, this marks the beginning of a troubling transformation. Once paragons of integrity and professionalism, they may start flexing their newfound power, morphing into a figure akin to a hungry crocodile always looking for opportunities to assert dominance and accrue personal gain and wealth.

This transformation underscores the critical need for sustained accountability and ethical vigilance, regardless of rank, in the military hierarchy. While most officers retain their integrity, the few who succumb can tarnish the entire institution’s reputation. Ensuring that honesty, ethics, and discipline are upheld at all levels is crucial for maintaining the armed forces’ honor and respect.

Business Empire – The Genesis

In the pre-Partition era, the British Indian Army allotted agricultural land ranging from 100 to over 1,000 acres to its regiments, contingent upon the regiment’s operational performance and its reputation). This land was intended to generate revenue for the troops’ welfare, ensuring a good standard of living in the barracks and during wartime.

Following WW II and before Partition, the army established a welfare fund to support troops who were wounded, or troops’ families if they were killed in action. Upon independence in 1947, this fund was divided based on the proportion of the British Indian army troops allocated to each country created by partition. Pakistan’s share was approximately 18% of the total.

The Pakistani Army utilized its share to establish projects aimed at supporting soldiers and their families. Among the initiatives was the Fauji Foundation and smaller projects.  is a charitable trust founded in 1954 to provide employment opportunities to Pakistani ex-military personnel and to generate funds for the welfare of widows, and families of martyrs. Today, it runs more than 18 industries, the income from which is utilized to serve about 9 million beneficiaries (5 % of country’s population).

These ventures have grown into a vast business empire generating billions of rupees in profit, a significant portion of which constitutes a private reserve fund at the COAS’s (chief of army staff)  disposal. He has unfettered discretion over its use. 

General Musharraf – The Start of Organizational Corruption

During Gen. Pervez Musharraf’s tenure (both as COAS and president, 2001-08), this fund was notably misappropriated and manipulated for the top military brass’ benefit. Adjusted to favor senior and high-ranking officers and ensure their loyalty to COAS via bribery, their financial status became significantly enhanced. A major general, typically a grade 21 officer, the second highest rank in government employment, could amass assets worth more than $3,600,000  while a 3-star lieutenant general, a grade 22 officer, could acquire assets worth approximately $18 million, all within legal frameworks. All services operate within a hierarchical structure, with officials categorized into different grades, typically delineated by a basic pay structure.

The COAS could accumulate assets valued between $362 to $542 million, excluding any corrupt practices. Furthermore, lieutenant generals serving as corps commanders often held the position of president of the Defense Housing Authority (DHA) within their domains. The DHA, particularly in Lahore, Karachi, and Islamabad, can acquire substantial wealth accumulation through multistoried residential and commercial complexes, luxury hotels, sports complexes, educational institutions, rental billboards, and extensive shopping and food hubs. The potential for financial gain is enormous, allowing corps commanders, with the COAS’s endorsement, to accumulate substantial wealth within short tenures, often within a span of six months.

Originally, the DHA was intended to provide military officers with housing benefits, helping them cover various personal expenses. The number of lots in DHA developments was initially based on the number of cadets graduating from the military academy, ensuring that each graduate could potentially receive a lot.

Under Musharraf, these ethical guidelines and allocation criteria were abandoned. Subsequent army chiefs, notably Ashfaq Parvez Kayani (2007-13) and especially Qamar Javed Bajwa (2016-22) took advantage of these relaxed policies, further expanding DHAs regardless to the number of serving officers New rules stipulated that each new phase of DHA development must include an 1,100 sq. ft. residential lot for lieutenant generals and a 2,200 sq. ft. lot for the COAS. Senior officers were also allotted commercial lots. Reports suggest that under these rules, Bajwa acquired as many as 104 lots.

In the most lucrative DHA developments such as those in Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad, the most expensive lots are reserved for the COAS, which are kept available and allotted to the new chief as part of their service benefits. The question arises: How can the same piece of land be allotted to multiple chiefs successively? The answer lies in a specific practice. For example, in Lahore, a 2,200 sq. ft. lot behind the city’s much sought after The Mall of Lahore (officially the Shahrah Qaid-e Azam)  near the famous Rahat Bakery remains officially classified as residential, despite the vicinity’s commercial development decades ago. This land, valued at more than $100,000 per 1,100 sq. ft., amounts to over $4.3 million for the 2,200  sq. ft. lot. This sum was  allotted to the COAS and a month later, the DHA in Lahore bought it back for another $4.3 million, ensuring the Chief receives the money while the land remains available for future allotments. Since Bajwa had two tenures, he was allotted this land twice.

The British allotted agricultural land to reward officers and troops who performed great feats of valor for them against their own people. However, in some countries, allotment of such land might be part of the welfare package to war veterans, soldiers, and officers performing exceptionally well in military operations. These allotments are made based on both field and peacetime performance. The criteria for receiving such awards are stringent, with a board deciding based on points calculated from field, peacetime, and operational performances.

However, the less significant officers and soldiers are mostly given arid and poorly irrigated lands in far-flung areas, especially in southern Punjab. This system is also manipulated at the highest ranks. Upon promotion, a major general automatically reaches the required points to receive at least 50 acres of agricultural land, with lieutenant generals and full generals entitled to 100 acres.

At the higher ranks, this system is often manipulated to provide valuable estates. Outstanding officers up to the rank of brigadier are given land in deserts where cultivation is impossible, while general officers, especially those in key positions like corps commanders and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Chief of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI),  receive land in urban areas like in Lahore. This land, officially termed “agricultural,” is worth a fortune due to its location within expanding housing localities. For example, land valued at $18,000 per 1,100  sq. ft. can translate to  $7.2 million for a major general and $14.4 million for a full general.

The army sells back this land to the source, paying the incumbent the equivalent market value, and ensuring future officers’ benefit from this system. If a COAS receives an extension, he can claim these benefits twice, potentially amassing assets beyond  $180 million all legally and in accordance with existing regulations. Importantly, none of this money comes from the national exchequer as it is all internally managed within the army, ensuring clerical transparency.

Selected general officers, such as those on key appointments in the General Head Quarters – Pakistan’s equivalent to the Pentagon – are also entitled to 1,100  sq. ft. residential lots and one commercial lot in any new DHA development throughout the country. This ensures that a general in a two-to-three-year tenure can accumulate significant assets. For a COAS, this legal package could easily reach  $108 million for a regular three-year tenure.

The Spring 2022 Dubai Leaks published in May 15, 2024, showed 17,000 Pakistanis are listed owners of real estate worth well above $12.5 billion. Unsurprisingly, more than a few of the listed owners are retired military officers and their families, some of whom have passed away.

The Living Conditions of the Field Army

In contrast, the field army up to battalion or brigade level is kept in deprived conditions. Their professional training and commitments ensure that they have little time for personal matters. Young officers, especially married ones, often live in poor conditions without proper accommodation. They receive inadequate allowances, making it difficult to meet basic needs. For instance, a major receives only $80 a month for his housing allowance, an amount which is insufficient for renting even one room. This leads to depression and hopelessness. Bachelor officers face even worse conditions, with minimal and often dilapidated accommodation provided.

Lions For Lambs

One must distinguish between the field army and the upper echelon of generals. Unlike civilian promotions, the path to becoming a general is highly competitive and unpredictable. Success requires not only hard work but also manipulation, deception, and self-promotion.

Very few officers achieve the prestigious rank of major general or higher. Out of a cohort of 600 officer cadets, only three to six typically reach this level. However, hard work and dedication alone are insufficient. To move beyond the rank of brigadier, one also needs to employ deceit, cheating, sycophancy, and manipulation, not to mention using others to climb the ranks, subtle tactics and skullduggery, and pleasing superiors through flattery and deception .

Thus, major generals are skilled manipulators, deceivers, and flatterers. Masters in the art of lying and pleasing their superiors, they join a group that values money above all else. This group disregards ethics and boundaries in the pursuit of accumulating wealth and privileges.

Having lost touch with their comrades and brothers-in-arms, they use military jargon only rhetorically and have little regard for other soldiers, officers, or the field army. Their primary concern is acquiring wealth, including overseas properties, luxurious mansions, and businesses. They have no genuine regard for their country or its people, speaking of patriotism only for appearances. These hypocrites have no sense of belonging and use their position to deceive their subordinates.

The generals, a disconnected group posing only for optics, are pretentious, hypocritical, and more concerned with personal gain than with institutional and national welfare. They exploit the young officers’ sacrifices, often as young as 18 or 20, who lay down their lives in encounters. ISI and the ISPR (Inter-Services Public Relations) play politics with  these young officers’ lives, using their widows and children for media appearances to manipulate public sentiment. These emotional dramas blind the field army and the masses, creating a façade of patriotism and sacrifice.

The role of ISPR has significantly developed. ISPR chief Lt Gen Ahmed Sharif now has increased structural and logistical support, including two major generals working under him. This strategic move of Pakistani military aims to fully control the story.

These generals understand the poor peoples’ psyche and manipulate their emotions by showcasing the deaths of young officers killed in the line of duty. Meanwhile, they focus on formulating rules to benefit themselves, eyeing the army’s vast private funds. Young officers, on the other hand, face inadequate facilities, insufficient salaries, and other challenges that make it difficult to support their families.

The generals cleverly exploit these young officers’ motivations in the name of nationalism and patriotism. The 2007 Hollywood movie Lions for Lambs aptly depicts the army’s situation. This group of generals remains beyond accountability. Even after retirement, a lieutenant general enjoys the services of several army paid servants and chauffeurs. When a general dies, these services are transferred to his wife until her death.

The COAS bears a resemblance to the ancient sultans who ascended thrones by vanquishing all their contemporary rivals. This ascent, however, as explained above, is far from easy. Once at the apex, the COAS becomes the supreme authority over all matters. Armed with immense power and infkuence, he can eliminate any entity that might challenge his autocratic decrees, which are issued solely based on his personal whims and desires. Thus, he becomes a figure akin to a demigod with no obligation to heed dissent. Existing above the law and beyond religious, social, and moral constraints, he effectively becomes the embodiment of the law and authority.

One must distinguish between the military as a whole and certain generals’ immorality. The former is a vast and diverse institution, comprising hundreds of thousands of individuals who have dedicated their lives to serving their country. They perform a wide range of duties, from defending the borders and maintaining peace to providing humanitarian aid and disaster relief. Most of these service members are apolitical, focusing solely on their duty to protect and serve their nation.

However, a small subset of the military leadership – namely, some generals – may become entangled in political affairs or engage in unethical behavior. These actions are examples of their personal failings.  Conflating the military with the actions of a few can lead to widespread misunderstanding and undeserved criticism.

When “military” is loosely used for criticism, it unjustly tarnishes the 99% who are uninvolved in politics and serve with honor and integrity. This broadbrush approach not only disrespects them, facilitating the generals to deflect criticism and hide behind the military’s good. Such an approach effectively addresses the issues, and the public remains informed about the misconduct of this group without unfairly implicating the entire military. 

Sher A. Faroukii is a freelance writer.

The post The Pakistani Army – The New East India Company or a Trojan Horse? appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Syed Ubaidur Rahman

Jan/Feb 25

History is being re-written in India, and textbooks are steadily being erased of medieval history dealing with the Muslim period. A fictional Hindu history is being developed that omits all references to Muslim history, although Islam has been in India since the 7th century. In 712 Muhammad bin Qasim (d. 715), the commander of the Umayyad kingdom, defeated and killed Dahir, the ruler of Sindh, in the battle.

This was followed by Mahmud of Ghazni’s (d. 1030) conquests and Muhammad of Ghur’s (d.1206) establishment of Delhi sultanate. The spread of Islamic rule to South India came during the reigns of Alauddin Khalji (d.1316) and Muhammad bin Tughluq (d.1351). Not only the Mughals, but also the Muslim ruling dynasties in Kashmir, Bengal, Malwa, Khandesh, Gujarat, Sharqis of Jaunpur; the Bahmanis of Gulbarga/Bidar; the successor Deccani Sultanates of Ahmednagar, Bijapur, and Golconda; as well as Nizam of Hyderabad and Mysore Sultanate of Hyder Ali (d.1782) and Tipu Sultan (d. 1799) were part of this expansion. 

Since gaining independence in 1947, and especially after the extreme right wing Hindu majoritarian party Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) ascension to power, the names of cities, gardens, and monuments have been changed to rewrite medieval India’s history. Fortunately, books authored by reputed scholars are still available and referred to. Muslims are integral to India, and their history will never disappear.

Such name changing is groundless. For example, the BJP wants to change Ahmednagar’s name to Ahilya Nagar, honoring the 18th-century Maratha queen Ahilyabai Holkar. The Sultanate of Ahmednagar or the Nizam Shahi Sultanate was a late medieval Indian Muslim kingdom located in the northwestern Deccan, between the sultanates of Gujarat and Bijapur, ruled by the Nizam Shahi or Bahri dynasty (John Horace Parry, “The Age of Reconnaissance,” the University of California Press. p. 246, 1981). It was established when Malik Ahmed (d.1510), the Bahmani governor of Junnar, declared independence after defeating the Bahmani army led by general Jahangir Khan on May 28, 1490, and established the Nizam Shahi dynasty of the Sultanate of Ahmednagar (Shailendra Sen, “A Textbook of Medieval Indian History,” Primus Books. p. 118, 2013). There was no town in existence there. So, what is the basis of this desired change? His father Malik Bahri, prime minister in the Brahmin empire, had converted and Ahmednagar was the empire’s most important state.

Similarly, Aurangabad is a historic town, a new city founded by Malik Anbar (d. 1626), prime minister of Murtaza Nizam Shah II (d.1610), sultan of Ahmednagar. Changing its name to Sambhaji Nagar after Sambhaji, Shivaji’s son who was killed in war with the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, is illogical.

It is important to teach the young generation about Muslim history and heritage and the great past. Over the past ten years, the author published six books on medieval Indian history, among them “Biographical Encyclopedia of Indian Muslim Freedom Fighters,” “Forgotten Muslim Empires of South India,” “Ulema’s Role in India’s Freedom Movement,” and, most recently, “Peaceful Expansion of Islam in India” . This 2024 book has become a talking point across India and beyond, as it debunks the fallacious notion of the local population’s forced conversion. Through meticulous research, it shows that Islam came to South India long before its arrival in the north, and spread due to the efforts of Arab and Persian merchants, along with the many Sufis who settled throughout India.  

Name changes cause historic places to lose their importance and people to forget them. Its background, the reason for giving the original name, and its founder will be forgotten. This is what the ruling junta desires – to wipe out our ancestors’ contributions and take away their credit for creating marvelous cities and monuments. BJP rulers thus aim to make Muslims irrelevant, which will have catastrophic impact. Although Muslim Indians are Indian citizens, they will feel let down and completely disconnected. 

Some of the references to the Mughals are being purged in school and college textbooks. However, books by Irfan Habib (professor emeritus, Aligarh Muslim University) and Richard Maxwell Eaton (professor of history, University of Arizona) which are referred to in books at the international level, will not disappear. They will remain in libraries, and the world will criticize India for fudging history.

Habib, among other books, has authored “The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 1556-1707,” “An Atlas of the Mughal Empire”, and “Atlas of Ancient Indian History.” Eaton, known for notable books on India’s pre-1800 history, focuses on the Deccan, the Bengal frontier, and Islam in India. Some of his notable works include “Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States,” “India in the Persianate Age: 1000-1765,” “Essays on Islam and Indian History” (Oxford University Press: 2000), “Approaches to the Study of Conversion to Islam in India in Religious Movements in South Asia 600-1800” (Oxford University Press: 2005), and “Temple Desecration and Muslim States in Medieval India.”

The new history will be worthless once India’s original history reappears. It is important to circulate authentic and authoritative books on this history.

India should rise above such bias and appreciate scholars like Ram Puniyani who was a professor at the Indian Institute of Technology in Bombay and has been involved with human rights activities and initiatives to oppose Hindu fundamentalism in India. 

Muslims history in India dates back hundreds of years. Muslims are an indisputable and integral part of India, and no one can separate them. The known earliest mention of Muslims in Kerala is in the Quilon Syrian copper plates of 9th century CE, granted by the ruler of Kollam (C.G. Cereti, [2009]. “The Pahlavi Signatures on the Quilon Copper Plates” In W. Sundermann, A. Hintze, and F. de Blois, [eds.], Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, Germany).

Muslims have and continue to make contributions to India. For example, the country’s oldest college, Zakir Husain Delhi College (renamed to honor Zakir Husain, a distinguished educator and president of India [1967-69]) was established in 1693, when Ghaziuddin Khan , one of the Aurangzeb’s leading Deccan commanders and the first Nizam of Hyderabad’s father, founded a madrasa. 

The upheavals that weakened the Mughal empire during the 18th century resulted in the madrasa’s closure in the early 1790s. However, with the support of Delhi’s wealthy citizens, a college for literature, science and art, was established at the site in 1792. Instruction was provided in prose, literature, rhetoric, logic, philosophy, jurisprudence, astrology, and medicine. In 1824, it was engrafted onto this institution by the British East India Company’s government. Nawab Itmad-ud-daula, the Oudh Vazir (chief executive), provided an endowment of Rs. 1.7 million in 1829, which would be an estimated Rs. 80 million today, to promote learning. Instruction was imparted chiefly in Persian and Arabic, and there was also a Sanskrit department.

Muslims are here to stay.

Syed Ubaidur Rahman is director of Global Media Publications, New Delhi, India.

The post Muslims Are Integral to India appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Umberine Abdullah 

Jan/Feb 25

Since 1949, October 12 has marked a solemn day of national mourning for the Uyghur who originate from East Turkistan which China now calls Xingang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). 

In remembrance, last October, dozens of Uyghurs and their supporters gathered outside the White House to commemorate and protest 75 years of China’s military invasion of East Turkistan.

For 75 years and going, China has enforced a regime of genocide, systematic colonization, and mass oppression upon these Turkic people. Officially China recognizes 55 ethnic groups such as Uyghurs, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, and other mostly Muslim-minority groups in addition to the Chinese Han majority.
China’s claims over East Turkistan are not rooted in historical truth. On October 12, 1949, Chinese communist forces invaded East Turkistan – which borders Russia, Pakistan and several Central Asian nations – with Soviet support, initiating one of the longest and most brutal occupations in modern history. 

Despite recognition of China’s atrocities as ongoing genocide by the U.S. and over a dozen Western countries, as well as recognition by the UN as “crimes against humanity,” it is business as usual with China. For instance, Justice For All’s Save Uyghur Campaign expressed deep concern about the findings in a 2024 report in the Turkistan Times titled “Side Effects: The Human Rights Implications of Global Pharmaceutical Supply Chain Linkages to XUAR”. It exposes significant connections between the global pharmaceutical industry – where India is a dominant force and implicated in these supply chains – and forced labor practices in East Turkistan. 

75 years after China invaded East Turkistan – now a population of 26 million people – and over a decade since it launched its campaign of genocide in May 2014, the Uyghur and other Turkic people continue to endure mass incarceration, enslavement through forced labor, forced sterilizations, and the systematic erasure of their cultural and national identity.

An example of such erasure was cited by Human Rights Watch and the Norway-based organization Uyghur Hjelp (also known as Uyghuryar) documents about 630 communities that the Chinese government has such renamed, mostly during the height of a crackdown on Uyghur that several governments and human rights bodies have called a genocide. The report adds, “The new names removing religious, historical or cultural references are among thousands of otherwise benign name changes between 2009 and 2023.” The report quotes Rayhan Asat, a Uyghur human rights lawyer and senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, whose brother disappeared into the Xinjiang detention regime in 2016, told the changes were part of Beijing’s “overarching objective to eradicate the Uyghur culture and people entirely and create a system of apartheid”.

Repression under Communist rule, particularly during the violent and xenophobic 1966-76 Cultural Revolution, stirred deep animosity in Xinjiang toward the government, aggravated further by the migration of Han to the region and their domination of political and economic life.

The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) released a report on August 31, 2022, which concluded that “[t]he extent of arbitrary and discriminatory detention of members of Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim groups, pursuant to law and policy, in context of restrictions and deprivation more generally of fundamental rights enjoyed individually and collectively, may constitute international crimes, in particular crimes against humanity.” The Chinese government denies having committed any human rights abuses.

The U.S. and others have labeled China’s policies against Xinjiang minorities as “genocide.” China, however, has always denied targeting Uyghurs and others for their religion and culture, denouncing the accusations as a confection of lies by the West and saying its crackdown was aimed at quashing separatism, terrorism and religious extremism.

For China, this northwest region that is about three times the size of France, is of strategic importance. The ancient Silk Road – established during the Han Dynasty 2,000 years ago – trade route linking China, and the Middle East passed through Xinjiang, a legacy that can be seen in the traditional open-air bazaars of its oasis cities, Hotan and Kashgar. Xinjiang is an important link in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), sometimes referred to as the New Silk Road, and in China known as the One Belt One Road, a massive development plan stretching through Asia and Europe, involving more than 150 countries and international organizations.

The region is also important to China because besides having the second largest pastureland, it is one of the major sheep farming areas and China’s finewool production base. It is rich in energy resources, and has the largest reserves of oil, natural gas and coal in the country.

Unsurprisingly, mindful of the riches, the Chinese government has used violent against groups like the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) to point to a larger problem with terrorism in the region, especially in the wake of events like the 2009 mass riots that broke out in Urumqi, which killed 194 people and injured thousands more. To address these concerns, Beijing has progressively strengthened its security presence over the last decade. In 2010, domestic security spending in Xinjiang increased by 90%. 

On Feb. 1, 2018, XUAR revealed a stunning 92.8 % increase in its domestic security spending: from 30.05 billion RMB in 2016 to 57.95 billion RMB in 2017. Within a decade, this figure has increased nearly ten-fold, up from 5.45 billion RMB in 2007. Interestingly, it was only in 2020 that the U.S. removed ETIM from its list of terrorist organizations.

East Turkestan has experienced two brief periods of independence, The first republic (East Turkestan Republic) was established on Nov. 12, 1943, and was disestablished on April 16, 1944. The second republic was a short-lived satellite state of the Soviet Union in northern Xinjiang (East Turkestan), which existed from 1944 to 1946. It emerged from the Ili Rebellion in three districts of Xinjiang Province: Ili, Tarbagatay and Altay.

The East Turkestan Independence Movement first began to take shape in 1933. Every historical event has its elements of chance, but how was the unprecedented East Turkestan Independence Movement able to so quickly mobilize the population, and erupt ubiquitously and simultaneously across the territory of Xinjiang? These circumstances indicate that early modern Xinjiang society harbored simmering ethnic problems.

After unrest in the region and a series of riots and attacks by the Uyghur between 2014 to 2017, the Chinese president, Xi Jinping, launched his Strike Hard Campaign Against Violent Terrorism, leading to the establishment of the camps. The UN estimated that since then about one million people have been detained in these extrajudicial centers.

Beijing, however, calls them vocational education and training centers. But critics say they are used to indoctrinate Uyghurs and other minority ethnic groups with the goal of transforming them into devotees of the Chinese Communist party.

In a statement, Mamtimin Ala, Ph.D., president of the East Turkistan Government in Exile (ETGE) – who is self-exiled in Sydney, Australia  – declared: “The time for words alone has passed. We call on Canada, the U.S., and all nations that champion freedom and human rights to act decisively. Recognize East Turkistan for what it is: an occupied country. Support our right to external self-determination and our struggle to recover our sovereignty. Anything less will allow China to continue its genocide with impunity.”

China’s atrocities in Occupied East Turkistan are not isolated human rights abuses – it is a deliberate strategy of genocide. The goal, ETGE contends, is to wipe out an entire people and their rich cultural heritage, a campaign that the international community can no longer afford to ignore. China’s ongoing campaign of colonization, genocide, and occupation in East Turkistan must be recognized as part of a broader global threat posed by authoritarianism and unchecked state violence.

In December 2021, U.S. enacted into law, the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act (UFLPA), establishing a rebuttable presumption that goods produced wholly or in part in the XUAR or by an entity on the UFLPA Entity List are made with forced labor and prohibited from importation into the U.S. under 19 U.S.C.

The U.S. intentions for Uyghur rights do not seem so altruistic, when it not only looks aside, but supports far worst human right abuses in Occupied Palestine.

Umbrine Abdullah is a freelance writer.

The post China Continues to Stifle Turkic People  appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Anime Abdullah 

Nov/Dec 2024

The horrific and savage carnage the world painfully witnessed during the fall of Bangladesh’s fascist regime under the ex-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in July was beyond belief. Thousands of young lives from infants to college students were brutally killed. Their bodies, dreams, and futures were hastily buried in unmarked graves to conceal the gruesome reality of fascism. Death registries were removed from hospitals to obscure the true extent of the dictatorship’s cruelty. Thousands more vibrant, promising young lives were assaulted and permanently disabled to scar and mar a nation’ future forever. This sheer massacre was not a result of any foreign invasion, like Palestine’s occupation by Israel, but a state-sponsored atrocity carried out by a ruthless, power-obsessed regime, hellbent on maintaining its grip on power with a callousness bordering on madness.

The suffocating stench of these deaths sickened humanity across continents. Their blood-soaked images of bodies strewn on streets seared into the memories of the diaspora worldwide. The heart-wrenching cries of grieving families reverberated across the Atlantic. Millions of American Bangladeshis spent sleepless nights glued to social media, scrolling through harrowing updates, praying for an end to the violence.

Yet there was one exception. 

Standing atop a mountain of corpses, bathing in their blood, and inhaling their dying breaths, Hasina Wajed remained untouched and unmoved. Her insatiable desire to cling to power eclipsed all else. To crush any remnants of youth resistance, she sought to unleash more military force on August 5, when she sensed the risks of her own life and cowardly fled to India. Nothing – destroying a 16-year dynasty, abandoning all complicit cabinet members in danger, or leaving behind a nation in utter ruin –  could stop her.

More appalling was the fact that all this violence, destruction, and downfall of the Hasina Administration erupted over a seemingly trivial and non-political issue: the job quota system, which was designed in 1972 as a temporary recognition for the 1971 war veterans, who constituted less than 0.25% of the population. However, 50 years later, this administration, notorious for its staggering corruption, crafted a controversially long list of “freedom fighters” and expanded the allocation 120-fold through a 30% quota to disproportionately benefit the mostly party supporters. What was once a tribute to veterans became a convenient backdoor for party loyalists to secure government jobs.

The Bangladesh Awami League (BAL), which led the 1971 war, had long capitalized on its war legacy, seizing the role of the sole spokesperson for the nation’s war sentiment. Overtime, this legacy was weaponized to create a single-party democracy. The BAL government even executed several leaders of Jamaat-e-Islami and other opposition figures, branding them as “war criminals” through a controversial “kangaroo court“. Millions from opposition parties were imprisoned with a label of religious extremist to silent dissent. Indeed, the legitimacy of both the trials and convictions remain controversial. Such continued exploitation of religious and war sentiment created a societal cult and left ordinary citizens too terrified to speak out, lest they be labeled traitors.

However, the students remained defiant. Since 2008, they have been protesting the exploitation of the veterans’ quota which gained momentum in 2018. Desperate to quell that unrest, Hasina overstepped her authority and abruptly canceled the total quota system. When the protesters sought a revision, such wholesale cancellation seemed merely a ploy, which became evident by the Supreme Court’s reinstatement of the quota system in July 2024, claiming “justice takes its own course.”

Whereas, the pervasive lack of transparency in thousands of cases involving murder, crossfire killings, and harassing innocents has already exposed the judiciary’s complicity in propping up the government’s tyrannical rule. The courtrooms still echo with the anguished cries of the families of over 900 forcibly disappeared individuals. Being aware of judicial independence as a facade, designed to deflect the government’s responsibility while secretly advancing its agenda, the students continued to protest the job quota system. 

Their non-political and non-violent protest could have easily been addressed through dialogue and discussion, which unfortunately didn’t exist in the Hasina Administration’s democracy. The government opted for force over dialogue. It responded to the protests with derogatory remarks and threats and unleashed its militant student wing, the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), to brutalize the demonstrators with police backing. 

These tactics were not new. For 15 years, BAL has systematically silenced dissent, eroding democracy bit by bit, and cementing its autocracy. The tipping point came when an unarmed student, Abu Sayeed trusted the administration and raised his hands in surrender to avoid violence, still he was gunned down in cold blood. Disbelief etched on Sayeed’s face as his body shuddered after the first shot. He tried to stand, but another bullet came, and then another, and yet another, all from close range. 

Sayeed was not alone. Mir Mahfuzur Rahman Mugdho, another unarmed student, was shot in the head while offering water to fellow protesters. Within days, hundreds of students met the same fate and fell victim to the regime’s bullets. 

Abu Sayeed and others’ televized murders became a damning indictment of a rogue government that had long lost its legitimacy. Its common pattern in cracking opposition became evident, which reignited the rage of past massacres, including the 2013 killing of madrasa students in the name of Hefazat Islam extremists, and the 2009 killing of 57 high-ranking Army officers in the name of the paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles mismanagement. On top of these, Hasina’s demeaning tone and cold disregard for these fallen lives, not even pretending to show remorse, laid bare the deep-rooted fascism festering within the government. 

Ali Riaz is a professor at Illinois State University, aptly stated, that Hasina’s regime embodied “the arrogance of autocracy” that numbed and blinded the ruling party government to the nation’s pain and to the pulse of its younger generation. Without addressing grievances, the BAL government doubled down, shutting down the internet and mobile networks countrywide, deploying border forces and the military, and imposing a curfew. On July 18, a “shoot on sight” order was issued.

What exacerbated this tragedy was the government’s attempt to justify the killing by branding these students as “Razakars”— a term loaded with the highest treachery, referring to collaborators with Pakistan during Bangladesh’s 1971 War of Independence. This attempt to frame the protestors as traitors backfired and unarmed citizens from all walks of life joined students in solidarity, which morphed the veteran quota-based protest into a broader challenge to the government’s authority. The nation became split into two factions — BAL loyalists and those seeking justice. 

The quota movement, while justified, was merely the tip of the iceberg, that revealed the deep-seated autocracy and fascism rooted in corruption, suppression of citizens’ rights, and manipulation of religious sentiments for 15 years. The perceived injustice of guaranteeing jobs to pro-Awami League supporters was further exacerbated by rising inflation, a dismal job market for university graduates, and rampant corruption. Hasina even boasted about her office helper amassing $40 million and traveling only by helicopter — an outrageous example of corruption among pro-government individuals. 

Most of the banks are ‘owned’ by influential businessmen and leaders of the ruling party, which allowed the BAL government to smuggle over $150 billion over the last 15 years. 70.9% of households reported being victims of corruption, and 40.1% having paid bribes to receive any service. The obvious consequence was prices of essential goods skyrocketed, pushing the people to the brink. 

But there existed no way to express their discontent through free elections, as the Election Commission scandal had unveiled widespread electoral fraud. The people had no choice but to take the streets to bring down the BAL government. Unlike typical political defeat, this was the collapse of a regime — epitomized by Sheikh Hasina’s humiliating flight to India. Her escape drew striking parallels to the hasty run away of Afghan President Ashraf Ghani to the UAE in 2021, and Sri Lanka’s Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022. Although the context could be different, future of these dictators may not differ. 

Ousted for corruption, injustice, and inhumanity, Hasina’s exile was met with widespread joy. Even sweets were distributed which mirrored the celebrations that followed the assassination of her father and family on August 15, 1975 for similar dictatorship and fascism. It wouldn’t be surprising if BAL is eventually banned in Bangladesh, or if Sheikh Hasina faces execution by the very “kangaroo” court system she established to exterminate her political opponents. Indeed, history seems to have its own way of serving justice to those who abuse power. 

Exposing every facet of the Hasina administration’s fascism is vast, and many organized efforts are already dedicated to documenting it. 

In the background looms the larger geopolitical involvement of U.S.-China to disrupt India’s influence. These global power plays will continue to shape the political landscape, and the region will continue to witness the changes.  They will make governments rise and fall, but the grief of mothers waiting for their martyred sons and daughters will never end. The longing of spouses for their brave partners will remain eternal, and orphaned children will forever bear the scar of loss. The laypeople pay the ultimate cost and remain long after political shifts. 

So, this is a moment of reckoning. Sheikh Hasina alone is not responsible for the irreparable losses suffered by the nation. Her enablers — those who stood by silently, those who looked the other way as illegal and undemocratic actions unfolded, and those who ignored the killings in 2009, 2013, and the random casualties in between — are equally complicit. Every life lost, every drop of blood spilled, matters. Let our collective conscience awaken to hold every government, even our favorite one, accountable (4:135). Our religious ruling makes it a fard stance, even if it involves a Nobel laureate like Dr. Muhammad Yunus, the current chief of the interim government of Bangladesh.

Anime Abdullah is a freelance writer.

The post The Fall of Sheikh Hasina’s Fascist Regime and a Nation’s Reckoning appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Ghulam Nabi Fai

Sep/Oct 2024

Displaying a calculated and considered callousness and insensitivity to the Kashmiris’ wishes and aspirations, Indian Home [interior] of Minister Amit Shah announced (following a Supreme Court’s Dec 12, 2023 order) that “[The] Assembly poll will be held in Jammu and Kashmir before September 30, 2024” and that “BJP believes in winning hearts” (Ravi Krishnan Khajuria, Hindustan Times, April 16, 2024). The Indian Election Commission has proclaimed a two-phased parliamentary election schedule: in Jammu on April 26 and in the Srinagar constituency on May 13 in four phases. Chief Election Officer of J&K Hirdesh Kumar said on Aug. 17, 2022, that “We are expecting an addition of (2 to 2.5 million) new voters in the final list,” including non-Kashmiris living in the region (Reuters, Aug. 17, 2022).

 Today, India confronts a Kashmir Rubicon in terms of electing members to its rubber stamp parliament. If it boldly conducts free, fair, and transparent elections that reflect the inhabitants’ genuine sentiments, then a final peaceful settlement of the 77-year-old conflict will be in sight. If  it continues its habit of rigging elections and denying Kashmiri self-determination as proclaimed in United Nations Security Council (UNSC) January 1949 resolutions, then Kashmir will remain beleaguered by repression, misery, and destitution.

India’s colonial and antidemocratic ways in Kashmir have a long history. The British philosopher Bertrand Russell said in 1964, “The high idealism of the Indian government in international matters breaks down completely when confronted with the question of Kashmir.”

Jayaprakash Narayan, known as “The Second Gandhi of India,” confided to former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1960, “We profess democracy but rule by force in Kashmir… [The Kashmir] problem exists not because Pakistan wants to grab Kashmir, but because there is deep and widespread political discontent among the people” (“Why we must listen to Jayaprakash Narayan on Kashmir”, Ramachandra Guha, Sept. 26, 2016, Hindustan Times).

George Fernandes (d. 2019), a former Federal Minister of Kashmir Affairs, stated at Harvard University’s [now Weatherhead] Center for International Affairs on Oct. 12, 1990, “In so far as the immediate situation in Kashmir is concerned, I feel that we need to go back to 1984, when an elected government was dismissed by Delhi. The dismissal of the government sent [a] signal to the people of Kashmir that any honest decision that they take in regard to the governance of the State could easily be set aside by the power that is in Delhi. Naturally, the anger against Delhi built up. In 1987, there could have been a fair election. Unfortunately, there was not. A lot of people were roughed up. A lot of young people were subjected to considerable humiliation. The Kashmiris felt that Delhi would prevent for all times any expression of people’s will in a fair and objective election. All this created among the youth a sense of total despondency and alienation.”

Rigged Elections

P. K. Dave, a former Chief Secretary of the Jammu and Kashmir Government, confessed in 1991 that, “Elections in Kashmir have been rigged from the beginning.”

Booker Prizewinner Arundhati Roy remarked on Sept. 27, 2009, “Elections in Kashmir have had a long and fascinating past. The blatantly rigged state election of 1987 was the immediate provocation for the armed upsrising that began in 1990. Since then, elections have become a finely honed instrument of military occupation, a sinister playground for India’s deep state. It is Intelligence agencies more than anyone else who decide what the outcome of each election will be. After every election, the Indian establishment declares that India has won a popular mandate from the people of Kashmir.”

In his “Twenty Tumultuous Years Insights into Indian Polity,” Shri Prakash writes, “The Kashmiri anger actually began with the mass rigging of elections in 1987…” (p.568;‎ Gyan Publishing House, 2003).

Amy Waldman wrote in the New York Times that “Rigged elections in Kashmir in 1987 helped trigger the armed uprising that India estimates has taken more than 35,000 lives” (Aug. 24, 2002).

The 1987 fraudulent elections extinguished the Kashmiris’ last flicker of hope that India would bow to the UNSC prescribed free and fair plebiscite.

The cure for counterfeit elections is providing genuine democratic articles. Thus, the Kashmiris are eager to participate in the referendum if it’s conducted with the trapping of free and fair choice, monitored, and supervised by a “neutral” agency like the UN.

The status of East Timor was resolved in 1999 by a free and fair vote of the population. The same, championed by the U.S. and the E.U. happened in Kosovo, Montenegro, and Southern Sudan. The solution to Kashmir’s indigenous upheaval is no different. The irresponsible coveting of dignity, liberty, and pride that comes with self-determination knows no territorial or regional boundaries.

The UNSC Resolution 122 of 1957 denounced the Indian elections subterfuge, reminding the concerned governments and authorities “of the principle embodied in its resolution that the final disposition of the State of Jammu and Kashmir will be made in accordance with the peoples’ will expressed through the democratic method of a free and impartial plebiscite conducted under UN auspices.

The resolution further elaborated that “the convening of a Constituent Assembly … and any action that Assembly may have taken or might attempt to take to determine the future shape and affiliation [of Kashmir]” would be no surrogate for Kashmiri self-determination.

The following steps need to be taken to make a referendum happen:

First, demilitarizing the state on either side of the ceasefire line.

Second, creating an atmosphere of peace and security.

Third, annulling all draconian laws, especially the Domicile Law, which is designed to change the state’s demography.

Fourth, releasing all political prisoners, including Mohammad Yasin Malik, Shabir Ahmed Shah, Masarat Aalam Bhat, Aasia Andrabi, Khurram Parvaiz, and others immediately and unconditionally.

Fifth, restoring the rights of peaceful association, assembly. and demonstrations.

Sixth, permitting the Kashmiri political resistance leadership to travel abroad without hindrance,

Seventh, satisfying the democratic principles, rule of law, and security for every Kashmiri, irrespective of religious affiliation.

Eighth, deputing an international and neutral team to conduct the referendum.

Kashmir’s suffering is a rebuke to the UN for its inaction. This decades-long situation is a call on the conscience of the UNSC’s members, particularly in the U.S.

A sincere and serious effort toward devising a just settlement must face and deal with the realities of the situation and fully respond to the people’s rights. Indeed, any process that ignores their wishes and is designed to sidetrack the UN will prove to be not only an exercise in futility, but also a source of incalculable human and political damage.

Ghulam Nabi Fai is secretary general, World Kashmir Awareness Forum, Washington, D.C. and chairman of the World Forum for Peace & Justice. He can be reached at [email protected], and www.kashmirawareness.org.

[Editor’s note: No sources were provided for some of the quotations, and therefore IH was unable to verify their accuracy.]

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The post Implementation of UN Resolutions Is Only Solution for Kashmir appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Tariq Ahmed

Sep/Oct 2024

Just about everyone who has not cloaked his/her head in the proverbial sand acknowledges that Kashmir’s political history is a litany of betrayal, manipulation, massive state-sponsored structural and militaristic crimes, as well as human rights violations. All this has been enacted by the rulers, politicians, political and military establishments and India’s nationalist media warriors against a hapless people demanding an end to the settler-colonial occupation of their land.

Repression, erasure, disempowerment, invisibilization, a devious combination of assimilationist and eliminationist strategies, along with dehumanization of the subaltern Kashmiri and appropriation of Kashmir’s history, have been foundational to and constitutive of India’s settler colonization project.

These violations, described by international legal luminaries as “crimes against humanity,” have surpassed the threshold of crimes under international law. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has observed, “Impunity for human rights violations and lack of access to justice are key human rights challenges in the state of Jammu and Kashmir.” 

Nonetheless, the international community has largely watched in silence, much as they have done in the case of the ongoing genocide in Gaza. In unwitting ways, these amount to sanctioning India’s occupation of Kashmir and the genocide in Gaza. 

Kashmir’s landscape simmers with unease and indignant resignation. Military bunkers, concertina wires, unmarked mass graves, a panopticon of digital surveillance and militarized medical spaces and schools dot the landscape. The people’s memory is soaked with the countless rapes, killings, blinding, murders, tortures, disappearances and imprisonments.

Fear permeates every corner of people’s lives. Indian authorities have targeted human rights advocates, journalists, academics and civil society members in the occupied colony.

Its obsession with entrenching the occupation means that India shows no interest in a form of transitional justice that addresses the root causes of the long-standing discontent and ends egregious human rights violations and impunity for killing, maiming and silencing dissenters. A settlement-colonization enterprise cannot afford such concessions.

Several journalists — some of whom have won Pulitzer awards — have been detained, tortured or denied their right to travel abroad by confiscating and canceling their passports, as detailed in a recent report by the Kashmir Law and Justice project titled “They Should Be Beaten and Skinned Alive: The Final Phase of India’s War on Kashmir Civil Society” (March 21, 2024, https://www.kljp.org/).

The family of prominent human rights advocate Khurram Parvez has endured harassment and incessant house raids during his incarceration in India’s high-security prison. Listed among Time magazine’s 100 Most Influential People of 2022, Parvez has been described as the “modern-day David” who has been “silenced, for his voice resounded around the globe for his fierce fight against human rights violations and injustices in the Kashmir region” (Rana Ayyub 

May 23, 2022, https://time.com). 

Several academics have been expelled from their university positions and incarcerated. Measures against academics and scholars include close surveillance, intimidation and harassment. For raising Kashmir at a conference 14 years ago, Dr. Sheikh Showkat (principal, Kashmir College of Law) was charged with sedition.

Public Safety Act

In what Haley Duschinski and Sankar Gosh have described as “occupational constitutionalism,” the ruling Hindu nationalist party of Prime Minister Modi has unashamedly politicized the law and legalized repression in Kashmir. The colonizing authorities have used several laws to suppress Kashmiris and justify repression, including the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act, 1978 (PSA) and the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 (AFSPA).

PSA is the primary tool used against dissenting voices to justify capricious and prolonged incarceration. Amnesty International describes it as “lawless law.” Military administrations use the AFSPA, the other equally brutal tool, as a sword and a shield to suppress dissent while shielding themselves from accountability. The law provides them with the cover of impunity.

 In contravention of international humanitarian and human rights laws, the state privileges AFSPA and PSA over India’s Protection of Human Rights Act (1993) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948). Detention without trial for two years under the PSA violates fundamental principles of justice such as equality before the law, formal charge sheets, due process and access to counsel. Those police and military personnel who misuse this instrument of suppression to win medals for killing dissidents are never held accountable.

 Athar, 16, along with two other civilians, was killed in a staged police encounter in December 2020. A counter-terrorism charge was filed against his parents and other family members when they demanded the deceased’s corpse.

 The military authorities are utilizing technology-assisted surveillance and predictive tools against Kashmiris as a means of force-multiplying their physical repression. They require that in businesses CCTV systems must be installed, filmed daily and submitted to authorities.

 With this unmistakable digital panopticon, the Kashmiris will be surveilled for alleged anti-Indian activities in public spaces and any mass mobilization attempts by people already besieged at gunpoint.

Amnesty International’s (AI) India office has been blatantly targeted by New Delhi for highlighting the human rights situation in India generally and Kashmir specifically. As a result of police intimidation and legal harassment, the UN Special Rapporteur asked India, among other things, to provide proof of allegations against AI, the legal basis for government action and demonstrate that the government will ensure human rights activists, including lawyers, operate in a conducive environment without fear of threats or acts of intimidation and harassment of any kind. 

Indian authorities have intimidated, harassed and detained Kashmiri poets and musicians. Despite being hunted by the government forces, these activists have chosen to go underground to continue making protest music.

 As India’s lawyer community shuns Kashmiri students across India, vigilante groups and law enforcement abuse, harass, intimidate and kill them equally brutally. Among the flimsiest charges against the students are their alleged or actual celebrations of Pakistan’s T20 World Cup victory over India.

Weaponized Media

 Weaponized media is the most incredible soft repression tool. The nationalist press reframes resistance as anti-national. Rather than deliver the facts as they are, allowing for a more neutral and in-depth analysis, the media manufactures the consent of unsuspecting Indians for military violence against Kashmiris by invoking terrorism and generating anti-Kashmiri and anti-Pakistan sentiment.

 Settler-colonial authorities have designated and then banned several resistance groups as unlawful associations. Labeling them as such is meant to stigmatize, discredit and delegitimize them, thereby undermining their recruitment and any attempts at mass mobilization.

As a result of this preemptive repression, paramilitary personnel defile, harass, watch, prohibit, detain, torture and kill members of such organizations to increase the costs of supporting resistance to Indian rule.

 In denial, the colonizing power uses police and army spokesmen as objective purveyors of the reality on the ground, minimizes Kashmiri political resistance and justifies dubiously legalistic and excessively militaristic retaliation as a legal response to the assumed “threatening law-and-order situation.” In Kashmir, any challenge to Indian hegemony is hideously portrayed as a threat to India’s national security and territorial integrity.

Despite what India would have the world believe, the petitioning of national security and preventive incarceration laws against Kashmiri dissenters is not an exceptional and extraordinary or extra-constitutional measure. These cherished cutting-edge tools with which they chisel the settler-colonial Hindu state are constitutive of and integral to their Brahminical colonial-settler enterprise.

Through its deceitful political maneuverings and brutal militaristic doctrine, the Kashmiri political-military establishment has elevated Kashmiris’ resentment to a point beyond repair. Court-sanctioned repression, glamorized by its cabal of anti-Kashmir and anti-Pakistan rhetoric in the media, has stifled all voices of colonized territories.

As Kashmiris are portrayed as pro-Pakistan (and therefore anti-Indian) agents, state-sponsored violence is justified. With its ever-evolving repressive regime, the state has lost its claimed moral authority to rule Kashmiri hearts and minds. 

India’s goal is to hold Kashmir forever, even if that means keeping it at gunpoint. The asymmetrical power relations in Kashmir make Kashmiris vulnerable to colonizers on all three levels: materially, mentally and physically. For them, a long haul is ahead. They are digging their heels in for now. 

Tariq Ahmed is a freelance writer.

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The post Can India Hold Kashmir at Gunpoint Forever? appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Tariq Ahmed

July/Aug 2024

Just about everyone who has not cloaked his/her head in the proverbial sand acknowledges that Kashmir’s political history is a litany of betrayal, manipulation, massive state-sponsored structural and militaristic crimes, as well as human rights violations. All this has been enacted by the rulers, politicians, political and military establishments, and India’s nationalist media warriors against a hapless people demanding an end to the settler-colonial occupation of their land.

Repression, erasure, disempowerment, invisibilization, a devious combination of assimilationist and eliminationist strategies, along with dehumanization of the subaltern Kashmiri and appropriation of Kashmir’s history, have been foundational to and constitutive of India’s settler colonization project.

These violations, described by international legal luminaries as “crimes against humanity,” have surpassed the threshold of crimes under international law. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has observed, “Impunity for human rights violations and lack of access to justice are key human rights challenges in the state of Jammu and Kashmir.” 

However, the international community has primarily looked on silently, just as they have in Gaza when there is ongoing genocide, occasionally making perfunctory noises. In unwitting ways, these amount to endorsing India’s occupation of Kashmir and the genocide in Gaza.

Most Militarized Zone in the World

Kashmir’s landscape simmers with unease and indignant resignation. Military bunkers, concertina wires, unmarked mass graves, a panopticon of digital surveillance, and militarized medical spaces and schools dot the landscape. The people’s memory is soaked with the countless rapes, killings, blinding, murders, tortures, disappearances and imprisonments.

Fear permeates every corner of people’s lives. Indian authorities have targeted human rights advocates, journalists, academics, and civil society members in the occupied colony.

Its obsession with entrenching the occupation means that India shows no interest in a form of transitional justice that addresses the root causes of the long-standing discontent and ends egregious human rights violations and impunity for killing, maiming, and silencing dissenters. A settlement-colonization enterprise cannot afford such concessions.

Crackdown on Dissent 

Several journalists — some of whom have won Pulitzer awards — have been detained, tortured or denied their right to travel abroad by confiscating and canceling their passports, as detailed in a recent report by the Kashmir Law and Justice project titled “They Should Be Beaten and Skinned Alive: The Final Phase of India’s War on Kashmir Civil Society” (March 21, 2024, https://www.kljp.org/).

The family of prominent human rights advocate Khurram Parvez has endured harassment and incessant house raids during his incarceration in India’s high-security prison. Listed among Time magazine’s 100 Most Influential People of 2022, Parvez has been described as the “modern-day David” who has been “silenced, for his voice resounded around the globe for his fierce fight against human rights violations and injustices in the Kashmir region” (Rana Ayyub May 23, 2022, https://time.com). 

Several academics have been expelled from their university positions and incarcerated. Measures against academics and scholars include close surveillance, intimidation, and harassment. Dr. Sheikh Showkat (principal of Kashmir College of Law) was charged with sedition for raising Kashmir at a conference 14 years ago.

The Indian authorities have intimidated, harassed, and detained Kashmiri poets and musicians. Despite being hunted by the government forces, these activists have chosen to go underground to continue making protest music.

 As India’s lawyer community shuns Kashmiri students across India, vigilante groups and law enforcement abuse, harass, intimidate, and kill them equally brutally. Among the flimsiest charges against the students are their alleged or actual celebrations of Pakistan’s T20 World Cup victory over India

Politicizing Law and Legalizing Repression

In what Haley Duschinski and Sankar Gosh have described as “occupational constitutionalism,” the ruling Hindu nationalist party of Prime Minister Modi has unashamedly politicized the law and legalized repression in Kashmir. The colonizing authorities have used several laws to suppress Kashmiris and justify repression, including the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act, 1978 (PSA) and the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 (AFSPA).

PSA is the primary tool used against dissenting voices to justify capricious and prolonged incarceration. Amnesty International describes it as “lawless law.” Military administrations use the AFSPA, the other equally brutal tool, as a sword and a shield to suppress dissent while shielding themselves from accountability. The law provides them with the cover of impunity.

 In contravention of international humanitarian and human rights laws, the state privileges AFSPA and PSA over India’s Protection of Human Rights Act (1993) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948). Detention without trial for two years under the PSA violates fundamental principles of justice such as equality before the law, formal charge sheets, due process, and access to counsel. Those police and military personnel who misuse this instrument of suppression to win medals for killing dissidents are never held accountable.

 Athar, 16, along with two other civilians, was killed in a staged police encounter in December 2020. A counter-terrorism charge was filed against his parents and other family members when they demanded the deceased’s body.

Digital Panopticon

The military authorities are utilizing technology-assisted surveillance and predictive tools against Kashmiris as a means of force-multiplying their physical repression. The government requires business establishments to install CCTV systems and submit their daily recordings to the government.

With this unmistakable digital panopticon, the Kashmiris will be surveilled for alleged anti-Indian activities in public spaces and any mass mobilization attempts by people already besieged at gunpoint.

Amnesty International (AI) is concerned about the intensifying clampdown in Kashmir in recent years. The AI has noted that the Indian government has sought to gain increased control through “a system of laws, policies, and practices that systematically annihilate critical voices and violate the rights to freedom of expression and opinion of journalists and human rights defenders.”

Weaponizing Media

The settler colonial authorities have used weaponized media as one of their most potent soft repression tools.  The nationalist press reframes resistance as anti-national. Rather than deliver the facts as they are, allowing for a more neutral and in-depth analysis, the media manufactures the consent of unsuspecting Indians for military violence against Kashmiris by invoking terrorism and generating anti-Kashmiri and anti-Pakistan sentiment.

Settler-colonial authorities have designated and then banned several resistance groups as unlawful associations. Labeling them as such is meant to stigmatize, discredit, and delegitimize them, undermining their recruitment and any attempts at mass mobilization.

As a result of this preemptive repression, paramilitary personnel defile, harass, watch, prohibit, detain, torture, and kill members of such organizations to increase the costs of supporting resistance to Indian rule.

 In denial, the colonizing power uses police and army spokesmen as objective purveyors of the reality on the ground, minimizes Kashmiri political resistance and justifies dubiously legalistic and excessively militaristic retaliation as a legal response to the assumed “threatening law-and-order situation.” In Kashmir, any challenge to Indian hegemony is hideously portrayed as a threat to India’s national security and territorial integrity.

Disabling and Erasing Kashmiri Memory

Despite what India would have the world believe, the petitioning of national security and preventive incarceration laws against Kashmiri dissenters is not an exceptional and extraordinary or extra-constitutional measure. These cherished cutting-edge tools with which they chisel the settler-colonial Hindu state are constitutive of and integral to their Brahminical colonial-settler enterprise.

Through its deceitful political maneuverings and brutal militaristic doctrine, the Kashmiri political-military establishment has elevated Kashmiris’ resentment to a point beyond repair. Court-sanctioned repression, glamorized by its cabal of anti-Kashmir and anti-Pakistan rhetoric in the media, has stifled all voices of colonized territories.

As Kashmiris are portrayed as pro-Pakistan (and therefore anti-Indian) agents, state-sponsored violence is justified. As its repressive regime has evolved, the state has unleashed its settler colonial agenda with full force. This agenda aims to disempower, erase, and replace Kashmiri memory and history with Indian memories and histories.

In the long run, India wants to hold Kashmir forever, even if it must be held at gunpoint. In Kashmir, asymmetric power relations make Kashmiris vulnerable to colonizers on all three levels: materially, psychologically, and physically. For them, a long haul is ahead. They are digging their heels in for now.

Tariq Ahmed, an observer of South Asian affairs, is a freelance writer.

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By Amani Salahudeen

July/Aug 2024

For three consecutive years recent surveys conducted by Singapore’s Crescent Rating and the United States’ Dinar Standard have chosen Malaysia as the world’s top destination for Muslim travelers. This hardly comes as a surprise, for the country has all the necessary ingredients of an ideal Islamic tourism destination. With an abundance of halal food, prayer facilities and Islamic attractions, Malaysia perfectly caters to the needs of Muslim travelers. The country’s rich Islamic history and heritage also form layers of fascinating experiences just waiting to be discovered.

Ramadan in Malaysia is also a special celebration. In fact, it felt like a daily celebration. The capital, Kuala Lumpur, is a vibrant metropolis where all cultures, religions and tastes collide to create a new, modern Asia that bears no resemblance to any other place I’ve ever been. 

Spending Ramadan in a Muslim-majority country was unlike anything I’ve ever experienced before. Hearing the adhan throughout the day and seeing advertisements featuring Muslimas all around was amazing. As an American, this was unusual for me, but wonderful to witness. Malaysia is also one of the prettiest places to visit. There’s so much Islamic history there, and the country is so picturesque. 

During Ramadan, Malaysia’s Muslims abstain from eating in public and eateries typically do not serve Muslim customers during fasting hours. Non-Muslims wishing to show respect for this tradition can opt to dine during quieter times and avoid public restaurants during the day. 

My family enjoyed visiting Kuala Lumpur’s National Blue Mosque and Pink Mosque, both of which provide ample space for women to pray and perform their pre-prayer ablutions. These facilities are among the best I’ve ever used. Malaysians have a traditional prayer outfit, and many spares are available for those who might like to wear one. 

The mosques are open to everyone. Non-Muslims are given robes to wear upon entering. The taraweeh prayer was a lot shorter than expected, but the sense of community is palpable. The only downside was that many of these mosques were not wheelchair accessible, so my grandmother couldn’t join us. 

Malaysia has a joyful atmosphere during Ramadan. Large retail centers in the capital go all out for Eid al-Fitr (aka Hari Raya Aidilfitri), bursting with sales and community dinners as moreh, a Ramadan supper held after the taraweeh prayer. The radio plays regional songs celebrating Eid, and at night the sky is filled with fireworks.

Foodies Rejoice

Since 64% of Malaysians are Muslim, most of the food is halal. This makes going to the grocery stores less of a hassle than it is here in the U.S. The food is flavorful and isn’t as spicy as I anticipated. 

An absolute haven for foodies, Kuala Lumpur is transformed into a feast of stories and cultures thanks to this melting pot of nationalities. Since rice (nasi) is a staple of most major meals, one of the best dishes I enjoyed was nasi lemak, a delicious combination of coconut milk rice served with sambal (chili sauce or paste), fried crispy anchovies, toasted peanuts and cucumber. You can also add a fried egg on top to enjoy nasi goreng. 

The capital is known for its street food, which I loved. But I also made sure to check out more contemporary restaurants and hangouts in the area because I’m constantly searching for the best place to eat. Getting to sample halal Vietnamese pho (fragrant beef noodle soup with fresh toppings) for the first time was one of the nicest meals.

Among the best sights to see is the Islamic Art Museum Malaysia (IAMM). Located in central Kuala Lumpur’s Lake Gardens neighborhood, it spans 33,000 square feet. Since its opening in 1998, IAMM has housed over 10,000 artifacts. Its Scholar’s Library has an outstanding collection of Islamic art publications. Among the artworks on exhibit are the smallest jewelry items to one of the largest scale replicas of the Masjid al-Haram. The museum emphasizes Asia, rather than focusing on works from the Middle East and Persia. Most notably, China, India and Southeast Asia are well represented.

My favorite part was getting to see how masjids looked in various Asian countries through decades. I also loved seeing that the museum’s library had works by popular Malaysian authors, including Hanna Alkaf, one of my favorites. 

The Istana Negara (King’s Palace) draws tens of thousands of tourists with its Islamic style architecture and golden domes. Under its constitutional monarchy system, each of the country’s nine states has its own monarch. Every five years, or whenever a vacancy occurs, they convene as the Majlis Raja-Raja (Conference of Rulers) to elect among themselves the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (Supreme Head of the Federation). 

The Royal Museum, which is situated on the royal grounds, offers information on the monarchs even though one cannot enter the palace itself. For example, it was fascinating to discover during a tour that many people do not realize that the king usually serves the nation for a term of five years before handing it over to someone else.

Even though the weather is incredibly hot, there is the occasional pleasant evening breeze. It would be preferable to stay somewhere that offers central air conditioning. Getting around with Malaysia’s version of Uber was also a little difficult because of the language, some miscommunication and the blatant lack of customer service — one day we spent over 35 minutes waiting in the heat for a car to pick us up. 

This was a very different trip from any place I’ve ever visited. In Malaysia, Ramadan is a vibrant celebration of faith, culture and community, rather than just a time for religious devotion. Whether you choose to join in the customs or just watch the celebration, spending the holy month in a Muslim country offered a unique cultural experience that made a lasting impression upon me. 

Amani Salahudeen (B.A., professional writing and journalism, The College of New Jersey; M.A., secondary English education, Western Governors University) has been published in Pop Culturalist, Muslim Girl, Her Campus and The Signal.

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By Nawal Ali

July/Aug 2024

One night in the depth of slumber, I found myself ensnared in a vivid nightmare, submerged in a watery abyss, my lungs burning for air as I fought against an unseen force holding me down. I clawed at the darkness frantically, desperate to break free; however, the suffocating weight of the water refused to relinquish its hold. With each passing moment, panic gripped me tighter until, mercifully, a violent shaking tore me from the depths of my subconscious, gasping for air, heart racing.

As I emerged from the grip of sleep, disoriented and trembling, the concerned faces of my roommates surrounded me, their voices a stark contrast to the chaos that lingered in my mind. “You’re okay, you’re okay. It was just a nightmare.” They spoke of my face turning blue, of my desperate gasps for air, a silent testament to the turmoil that raged beyond the threshold of our sanctuary.

Blinking away the remnants of sleep, I struggled to reconcile the tranquility of our dimly lit room with the chaos that had engulfed Syria during the Arab Spring. Outside, the cries of women mingled with the shouts of soldiers, a grim reminder of the unrest that had descended upon our once peaceful streets in 2011. The revolution had transformed our community into a battleground, tearing apart the fabric of our lives with each passing day.

As an American student at Abu Nour University, Damascus, I had been drawn to the warmth of Rukn Eddine, the area where locals and foreigners coexisted in harmony. But it was more than just the sense of community that captivated me. Syria was unlike any other country I’d ever experienced. 

Despite being ruled by a dictatorship, the Arab Ba’ath Socialist Party, Syria seemed to embody values that even Western states struggled to uphold. It provided a multitude of social services, including free health care, subsidized housing and utilities, food assistance, employment services, free education and subsidized goods, thereby ensuring a level of social welfare that surpassed that of many Western nations. Crime was scarce, prices were affordable and, in addition, everything was locally produced. Homelessness was virtually nonexistent, and the population was composed largely of highly educated individuals. 

Contrary to the portrayals on television, society appeared remarkably open, challenging stereotypes of the Middle East as uncivilized and conservative.

But while the veneer of stability remained unbroken, beneath the surface discontent simmered, waiting to boil over into revolution. And when it finally did, I found myself torn between the idyllic image of the Syria I had come to know and the harsh reality of its authoritarian regime.

Protests became more frequent, only to be met with violence and repression at every turn. The national anthem, once uplifting melodies echoing through the airwaves, had now been transformed into haunting reminders of the regime’s unyielding grip, its power seemingly unassailable in the face of its merciless methods. By summer, several students had vanished without a trace, as if they had never been there to begin with. The local internet café faced strict surveillance and was compelled to surrender databases containing personal searches and emails, adding to the atmosphere of fear and uncertainty. 

And then there were the institutions themselves. Stories emerged of students being surveilled via audio recording devices installed in the dormitories and teachers reporting comments made in class to the authorities. On one notable occasion, upon my return home, my roommate revealed that all my belongings, including my laptop, had been subjected to a thorough search, fueled by fears that I might be sharing information with the U.S. government. 

Of course, the paranoia gripping the Syrian government, particularly within the Ba’ath Party and the Alawite community, was on some level understandable, given the region’s instability. The Alawites, also known as Nusayria, are an Arab ethno religious group that lives primarily in the Levant and follow Alawism, a religious sect that split off from early Shi’ism as a ghulat (exaggerators) branch during the ninth century.   

Amid Israel’s assaults, Lebanon’s internal struggles and mounting tensions over Kurdish independence in the north, Syria teetered on the brink of profound instability. The intervention of a lone Western power held the potential to thrust Syria into a whirlwind of upheaval, mirroring the enduring turmoil that defines the wider region. Under Hafez al-Assad’s leadership, the regime brutally crushed any perceived threats to its power. The notorious events in Hama, where the Muslim Brotherhood uprising occurred in 1982, was violently suppressed to serve as a stark reminder of the regime’s willingness to use extreme measures to maintain control.

This ruthless display of power effectively quashed dissent and solidified the Alawite dominance. However, by the time I arrived in Syria, Assad’s son Bashar — an ophthalmologist turned into the heir apparent and groomed for 6.5 years to succeed his father  — had assumed the presidency, ushering in a period of gradual change. Unlike his father’s era of ironfisted rule, Bashar’s leadership brought some reforms and openness to Syrian society.

For instance, restrictions on women wearing the hijab in universities were lifted, reflecting a more tolerant approach to social and religious practices. Additionally, there was a newfound openness to the outside world, with increased access to the internet and foreign television programs. These changes hinted at a desire for modernization and engagement with the global community, signaling a departure from the repressive tactics of the past. Yet, despite these reforms, the underlying sense of paranoia and the regime’s determination to maintain its grip on power remained palpable.

I left Damascus on May 29, 2011, with a heavy heart. The dormitory’s headmistress presented me with a stark choice: Either I stayed and risked my roommates being arrested, or I left the country to spare everyone involved. The decision weighed heavily on me, knowing I had three more years of studies ahead. As I packed my belongings, I clung to the false hope that I would return by the summer’s end.

Boarding the plane, tears welled in my eyes and a lump formed in my throat. The memories I left behind felt like fragments of a past never to be revisited. The serene mornings before fajr with the ethereal sound of the morning wird (litany) resonating through the mosque loudspeaker, the laughter-filled nights in the courtyard with my roommates, not to mention the clandestine lessons at my teacher’s house — all held a precious significance. 

With all its flaws, Syria was a humble setting inhabited by wonderful individuals, and its essence filled every emptiness that no level of Western liberties could ever complete within me. 

Even as time passes, my mind frequently drifts back to those days. Every now and then, I catch glimpses of familiar faces on the news: some enduring political imprisonment in Israel, others leading mosques in Tokyo, or aiding humanitarian efforts on the Turkish border. Occasionally, I receive a call from one of the girls I shared those moments with, now dispersed across the globe, each pursuing her own unique path. With each conversation, we revisit our shared memories. “Do you remember Syria?” we ask, our voices tinged with longing. “Do you think we’ll ever return?”

As life moves forward, I find myself grappling with the echoes of those conversations long after the calls end. The yearning to revisit Damascus, to reclaim the sense of belonging and purpose I felt there, remains a persistent ache in my heart. Despite the passage of time and the distance that separates us, the bonds forged in that ancient city endure, tethering me to a past that feels more vivid than the present. And so I continue to carry Syria with me, its spirit woven into the fabric of my being, a beacon of hope amidst the uncertainties of the world. 

Nawal Ali is head of ISNA Fund Development

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