Jan/Feb 25

Many Pakistanis consider the army the root cause of all problems. However, few are aware that it’s far superior to other Pakistani institutions. 

It is crucial to understand that the army is being managed or utilized by the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). Founded in 1948 with the contribution of three services – army, air force, and the navy – the ISI, whose director-general theoretically reports directly to both the prime minister and the COAS (chief of army staff), has  evolved into a powerful juggernaut that controls all the county’s institutions, including the judiciary, bureaucracy, the private and corporate sectors, and its economy and politics. 

This subtle spy organization has become so vast that its boundaries are now indiscernible. Given the popular belief that the country’s troubles are rooted in the army, only a few realize that the ISI is in control. The officers and soldiers know that it is detrimental to the army itself. The field army, including its officers, remains antagonistic and indifferent to this spy organization. This is a significant source of frustration for the entire army, for the ISI is at odds does with the field army. Not surprisingly, the current army-backed coalition government formally legalized intercepting wiretapping on July 8, 2024, giving ISI, the authority under Section 54 of the 1996 Act that gives the government broad powers to intercept calls and messages or trace communications through any telecom system in the name of national security, regardless of existing privacy protections in other laws. Ironically, collation partner Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) had contested their chief, Benazir Bhutto, phone tapping in 1997, the Supreme Court had termed the Act “reprehensible, immoral, illegal and unconstitutional”. This civilian surrender despite, “since 2013, the Investigation for Fair Trial Act has mandated that phone-tapping operations must be approved by a commission or the Supreme Court on a case-by-case basis, limited to six weeks per authorization”.

No area of life is free from the influence of the intelligence agencies. On March 26, six Islamabad High Court (IHC) judges wrote to the Supreme Judicial Council (SJC), urging it to convene a judicial convention over the alleged interference of intelligence agencies in judicial affairs. The letter by the IHC judges’ letter came days after the Supreme Court voided the firing of IHC judge Shaukat Aziz Siddiqui who SJC had sacked on Oct. 11, 2018, based on a speech at the Rawalpindi Bar Association where he accused ISI of influencing court proceedings and forming benches of choice. On 1 May, the Peshawar High Court told the SC that some judges had reported direct approaches from intelligence officials seeking favors in political cases. The Sindh High Court told the SC the necessity of investigating interference in the judiciary by intelligence agencies and suggested prohibiting direct access to judges.

The Methodology

The spy organization’s unique methods enable it to hide behind the army. In fact, they resemble the East India Company’s tactics. A small entity, it controlled all that region’s 500+ princely states through blackmail. The Company stationed a resident in each state to oversee their governance. However, one of the resident’s covert jobs was to entice the rulers or maharajas into wrongdoing while secretly gathering evidence against them and converting the same into personal files. These files were then used to blackmail them into compliance. 

Similarly, the ISI entices and encourages institutional heads to engage in misconduct. This includes arranging stays in five-star hotels and providing escorts and liquor, in addition to hefty bribes. The organization maintains compromising videos and corruption files on not only military officers, but also judges, bureaucrats, politicians, businessmen, artists, actors, writers, and journalists.

For generals, ISI employs a different strategy. It owns and maintains numerous palace-like safehouses in various cities, with young female models and actresses on its payroll, also maintaining secret files on them to ensure their compliance. They are assured of the safehouses’ safety and secrecy. These compromising encounters – which are videotaped – typically happen on weekends under the guise of official duties to ensure their future compliance. The Chief of the Army Staff (COAS), reportedly, routinely spends weekends in ISI managed army guestrooms in Lahore Cantonment. All roads leading to the guestrooms are cordoned off, with alternative routes marked for the public.

A Political Accessory

Ironically, ISI’s political wing – headed by a brigadier within Directorate C – was established (and abundantly used) by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who became Pakistan’s “elected” prime minister by default when the country split in the aftermath of the 1971 war that India waged to carve out Bangladesh. 

The India-based Indo-Asian News Service quoted defense minister Ahmed Mukhtar of then ruling Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party May 4, 2018, that ISI has always had a political wing.During Gen. Kayani’s tenure, it was stated that like the ISI, the Military Intelligence (MI) too had closed its political wing (“MI closes its political wing”, Sept. 20, 2010, The Express Tribune).

Dawn newspaper, drawing from a declassified U.S. embassy source quoted the then national security adviser Mahmud Ali Durrani telling visiting U.S. ambassador Shirin Tahir-Kheli on Nov. 28, 2018, that ISI, is an “institution that can change based on how the political leadership chooses to use it”.

Sher A. Faroukii is a freelance writer.

The post An Agency Gone Rogue appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Sher A. Farouki

Jan/Feb 25

Pakistan’s formidable army, known for its discipline and resilience, can be divided into two groups – second lieutenant to colonel (group 1) and brigadier to general (group 2) – that operate as separate entities within the military hierarchy, with distinct roles and experiences that shape their perspectives and duties.

To comprehend the army’s rank and structure, one must delve into its officers and soldiers’ characteristics and lives. Unfortunately, many within the army and the public are unaware of the stark contrast primarily because the Pakistani Army effectively shields its inner workings from public scrutiny. This practice also  ensures that officers up to the rank of colonel remain largely unaware of broader realities.

Within the army, there is a prevalent belief that commanders must be strict, vigilant, and controlling. From the outset, officers are trained to keep their subordinates continuously occupied with ambitious plans and activities so that the army’s strict criteria won’t be challenged. This relentless approach ensures that troops  formations and exercises are engaged year-round without respite.

In Group 1, the officers and soldiers spend their careers moving from one challenging post to another, often in harsh and isolated environments. The army relies heavily on instilling a sense of extreme religious and national motivation to keep them going.

Such realities take a significant toll on the officers’ mental health. Many come from humble backgrounds and have faced severe deprivation. The iron discipline enforced by the military leaves little room for personal reflection or dissent. The perpetual uncertainty and fear of ostracization weigh heavily upon them. An infantry officer is considered fortunate if he spends even six years out of a 26-year career in a peaceful posting within a major city. These conditions’ cumulative effects often leads to mental strain, making officers eccentric, mentally impaired, and/or highly sensitive to either internal or external scrutiny.

The Unseen Struggles and Transformation of Armed Forces Personnel

Life for all armed forces personnel is tough. They face physical, administrative, mental, and financial challenges. This strain is particularly pronounced for married officers ranging from captain to colonel, who often struggle to make ends meet. Unlike many professions, the Pakistani military offers no opportunities for personal financial gain. It remains a strictly professional field, like many other military organizations worldwide. However, noteworthy that high ranking officers in the U.S. can become millionaires if not at least hundred thousand-aires. 

From the outset of their training at institutions like the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) at Kakul, the cadets are groomed to uphold honesty, ethics, and loyalty to their nation and profession. These values become their hallmark However, a significant shift occurs at the major general rank, when an officer’s status transforms into something almost untouchable. From that point forward he is often referred to as a “holy cow,” beyond the usual bounds of accountability. Around 2% of a given cohort  achieve this rank. 

This elevation comes with profound changes – newfound authority, a presumed infallibility, and the constant presence of sycophants can foster a detrimental “above the law” mentality. For many, this marks the beginning of a troubling transformation. Once paragons of integrity and professionalism, they may start flexing their newfound power, morphing into a figure akin to a hungry crocodile always looking for opportunities to assert dominance and accrue personal gain and wealth.

This transformation underscores the critical need for sustained accountability and ethical vigilance, regardless of rank, in the military hierarchy. While most officers retain their integrity, the few who succumb can tarnish the entire institution’s reputation. Ensuring that honesty, ethics, and discipline are upheld at all levels is crucial for maintaining the armed forces’ honor and respect.

Business Empire – The Genesis

In the pre-Partition era, the British Indian Army allotted agricultural land ranging from 100 to over 1,000 acres to its regiments, contingent upon the regiment’s operational performance and its reputation). This land was intended to generate revenue for the troops’ welfare, ensuring a good standard of living in the barracks and during wartime.

Following WW II and before Partition, the army established a welfare fund to support troops who were wounded, or troops’ families if they were killed in action. Upon independence in 1947, this fund was divided based on the proportion of the British Indian army troops allocated to each country created by partition. Pakistan’s share was approximately 18% of the total.

The Pakistani Army utilized its share to establish projects aimed at supporting soldiers and their families. Among the initiatives was the Fauji Foundation and smaller projects.  is a charitable trust founded in 1954 to provide employment opportunities to Pakistani ex-military personnel and to generate funds for the welfare of widows, and families of martyrs. Today, it runs more than 18 industries, the income from which is utilized to serve about 9 million beneficiaries (5 % of country’s population).

These ventures have grown into a vast business empire generating billions of rupees in profit, a significant portion of which constitutes a private reserve fund at the COAS’s (chief of army staff)  disposal. He has unfettered discretion over its use. 

General Musharraf – The Start of Organizational Corruption

During Gen. Pervez Musharraf’s tenure (both as COAS and president, 2001-08), this fund was notably misappropriated and manipulated for the top military brass’ benefit. Adjusted to favor senior and high-ranking officers and ensure their loyalty to COAS via bribery, their financial status became significantly enhanced. A major general, typically a grade 21 officer, the second highest rank in government employment, could amass assets worth more than $3,600,000  while a 3-star lieutenant general, a grade 22 officer, could acquire assets worth approximately $18 million, all within legal frameworks. All services operate within a hierarchical structure, with officials categorized into different grades, typically delineated by a basic pay structure.

The COAS could accumulate assets valued between $362 to $542 million, excluding any corrupt practices. Furthermore, lieutenant generals serving as corps commanders often held the position of president of the Defense Housing Authority (DHA) within their domains. The DHA, particularly in Lahore, Karachi, and Islamabad, can acquire substantial wealth accumulation through multistoried residential and commercial complexes, luxury hotels, sports complexes, educational institutions, rental billboards, and extensive shopping and food hubs. The potential for financial gain is enormous, allowing corps commanders, with the COAS’s endorsement, to accumulate substantial wealth within short tenures, often within a span of six months.

Originally, the DHA was intended to provide military officers with housing benefits, helping them cover various personal expenses. The number of lots in DHA developments was initially based on the number of cadets graduating from the military academy, ensuring that each graduate could potentially receive a lot.

Under Musharraf, these ethical guidelines and allocation criteria were abandoned. Subsequent army chiefs, notably Ashfaq Parvez Kayani (2007-13) and especially Qamar Javed Bajwa (2016-22) took advantage of these relaxed policies, further expanding DHAs regardless to the number of serving officers New rules stipulated that each new phase of DHA development must include an 1,100 sq. ft. residential lot for lieutenant generals and a 2,200 sq. ft. lot for the COAS. Senior officers were also allotted commercial lots. Reports suggest that under these rules, Bajwa acquired as many as 104 lots.

In the most lucrative DHA developments such as those in Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad, the most expensive lots are reserved for the COAS, which are kept available and allotted to the new chief as part of their service benefits. The question arises: How can the same piece of land be allotted to multiple chiefs successively? The answer lies in a specific practice. For example, in Lahore, a 2,200 sq. ft. lot behind the city’s much sought after The Mall of Lahore (officially the Shahrah Qaid-e Azam)  near the famous Rahat Bakery remains officially classified as residential, despite the vicinity’s commercial development decades ago. This land, valued at more than $100,000 per 1,100 sq. ft., amounts to over $4.3 million for the 2,200  sq. ft. lot. This sum was  allotted to the COAS and a month later, the DHA in Lahore bought it back for another $4.3 million, ensuring the Chief receives the money while the land remains available for future allotments. Since Bajwa had two tenures, he was allotted this land twice.

The British allotted agricultural land to reward officers and troops who performed great feats of valor for them against their own people. However, in some countries, allotment of such land might be part of the welfare package to war veterans, soldiers, and officers performing exceptionally well in military operations. These allotments are made based on both field and peacetime performance. The criteria for receiving such awards are stringent, with a board deciding based on points calculated from field, peacetime, and operational performances.

However, the less significant officers and soldiers are mostly given arid and poorly irrigated lands in far-flung areas, especially in southern Punjab. This system is also manipulated at the highest ranks. Upon promotion, a major general automatically reaches the required points to receive at least 50 acres of agricultural land, with lieutenant generals and full generals entitled to 100 acres.

At the higher ranks, this system is often manipulated to provide valuable estates. Outstanding officers up to the rank of brigadier are given land in deserts where cultivation is impossible, while general officers, especially those in key positions like corps commanders and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Chief of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI),  receive land in urban areas like in Lahore. This land, officially termed “agricultural,” is worth a fortune due to its location within expanding housing localities. For example, land valued at $18,000 per 1,100  sq. ft. can translate to  $7.2 million for a major general and $14.4 million for a full general.

The army sells back this land to the source, paying the incumbent the equivalent market value, and ensuring future officers’ benefit from this system. If a COAS receives an extension, he can claim these benefits twice, potentially amassing assets beyond  $180 million all legally and in accordance with existing regulations. Importantly, none of this money comes from the national exchequer as it is all internally managed within the army, ensuring clerical transparency.

Selected general officers, such as those on key appointments in the General Head Quarters – Pakistan’s equivalent to the Pentagon – are also entitled to 1,100  sq. ft. residential lots and one commercial lot in any new DHA development throughout the country. This ensures that a general in a two-to-three-year tenure can accumulate significant assets. For a COAS, this legal package could easily reach  $108 million for a regular three-year tenure.

The Spring 2022 Dubai Leaks published in May 15, 2024, showed 17,000 Pakistanis are listed owners of real estate worth well above $12.5 billion. Unsurprisingly, more than a few of the listed owners are retired military officers and their families, some of whom have passed away.

The Living Conditions of the Field Army

In contrast, the field army up to battalion or brigade level is kept in deprived conditions. Their professional training and commitments ensure that they have little time for personal matters. Young officers, especially married ones, often live in poor conditions without proper accommodation. They receive inadequate allowances, making it difficult to meet basic needs. For instance, a major receives only $80 a month for his housing allowance, an amount which is insufficient for renting even one room. This leads to depression and hopelessness. Bachelor officers face even worse conditions, with minimal and often dilapidated accommodation provided.

Lions For Lambs

One must distinguish between the field army and the upper echelon of generals. Unlike civilian promotions, the path to becoming a general is highly competitive and unpredictable. Success requires not only hard work but also manipulation, deception, and self-promotion.

Very few officers achieve the prestigious rank of major general or higher. Out of a cohort of 600 officer cadets, only three to six typically reach this level. However, hard work and dedication alone are insufficient. To move beyond the rank of brigadier, one also needs to employ deceit, cheating, sycophancy, and manipulation, not to mention using others to climb the ranks, subtle tactics and skullduggery, and pleasing superiors through flattery and deception .

Thus, major generals are skilled manipulators, deceivers, and flatterers. Masters in the art of lying and pleasing their superiors, they join a group that values money above all else. This group disregards ethics and boundaries in the pursuit of accumulating wealth and privileges.

Having lost touch with their comrades and brothers-in-arms, they use military jargon only rhetorically and have little regard for other soldiers, officers, or the field army. Their primary concern is acquiring wealth, including overseas properties, luxurious mansions, and businesses. They have no genuine regard for their country or its people, speaking of patriotism only for appearances. These hypocrites have no sense of belonging and use their position to deceive their subordinates.

The generals, a disconnected group posing only for optics, are pretentious, hypocritical, and more concerned with personal gain than with institutional and national welfare. They exploit the young officers’ sacrifices, often as young as 18 or 20, who lay down their lives in encounters. ISI and the ISPR (Inter-Services Public Relations) play politics with  these young officers’ lives, using their widows and children for media appearances to manipulate public sentiment. These emotional dramas blind the field army and the masses, creating a façade of patriotism and sacrifice.

The role of ISPR has significantly developed. ISPR chief Lt Gen Ahmed Sharif now has increased structural and logistical support, including two major generals working under him. This strategic move of Pakistani military aims to fully control the story.

These generals understand the poor peoples’ psyche and manipulate their emotions by showcasing the deaths of young officers killed in the line of duty. Meanwhile, they focus on formulating rules to benefit themselves, eyeing the army’s vast private funds. Young officers, on the other hand, face inadequate facilities, insufficient salaries, and other challenges that make it difficult to support their families.

The generals cleverly exploit these young officers’ motivations in the name of nationalism and patriotism. The 2007 Hollywood movie Lions for Lambs aptly depicts the army’s situation. This group of generals remains beyond accountability. Even after retirement, a lieutenant general enjoys the services of several army paid servants and chauffeurs. When a general dies, these services are transferred to his wife until her death.

The COAS bears a resemblance to the ancient sultans who ascended thrones by vanquishing all their contemporary rivals. This ascent, however, as explained above, is far from easy. Once at the apex, the COAS becomes the supreme authority over all matters. Armed with immense power and infkuence, he can eliminate any entity that might challenge his autocratic decrees, which are issued solely based on his personal whims and desires. Thus, he becomes a figure akin to a demigod with no obligation to heed dissent. Existing above the law and beyond religious, social, and moral constraints, he effectively becomes the embodiment of the law and authority.

One must distinguish between the military as a whole and certain generals’ immorality. The former is a vast and diverse institution, comprising hundreds of thousands of individuals who have dedicated their lives to serving their country. They perform a wide range of duties, from defending the borders and maintaining peace to providing humanitarian aid and disaster relief. Most of these service members are apolitical, focusing solely on their duty to protect and serve their nation.

However, a small subset of the military leadership – namely, some generals – may become entangled in political affairs or engage in unethical behavior. These actions are examples of their personal failings.  Conflating the military with the actions of a few can lead to widespread misunderstanding and undeserved criticism.

When “military” is loosely used for criticism, it unjustly tarnishes the 99% who are uninvolved in politics and serve with honor and integrity. This broadbrush approach not only disrespects them, facilitating the generals to deflect criticism and hide behind the military’s good. Such an approach effectively addresses the issues, and the public remains informed about the misconduct of this group without unfairly implicating the entire military. 

Sher A. Faroukii is a freelance writer.

The post The Pakistani Army – The New East India Company or a Trojan Horse? appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Charlie Jaay 

Jan/Feb 25

Education is a fundamental human right according to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, yet Israel’s occupying forces have, in one year, damaged or destroyed over 90% of Gaza’s schools and all its universities. In addition, Gaza’s Ministry of Education says that 11,852 students have been killed and 18,959 injured since the beginning of Israel’s invasion of Gaza following Oct. 7 2024. Additionally, more than 560 teachers and administrators have been killed and an additional 3,729 have been injured throughout Palestine during this period. 362 government schools, universities and their buildings, and 65 affiliated with UNRWA have been bombed and/or vandalized in Gaza. This systemic and widespread destruction and the arrest, detention or killing of teachers, students and staff, has led UN experts to ask that Israel’s comprehensive destruction of  the Palestinian education system be labeled as “scholasticide”.  There is also evidence to suggest this is part of a wider campaign to make Gaza uninhabitable and to erase Palestinian life from the region.

Learning has been severely disrupted for all of Gaza’s 625,000 school-aged children, and the lives and livelihoods of its almost 23,000 teachers have been hugely impacted. As of January 2025, More than 70,000 tons of bombs have been dropped, turning Gaza into a vast wasteland of rubble. Massacres have become the norm, with entire families wiped off the civil registry. At least 16,500 of the over 42,500 people killed have been children, leading the UN to declare Gaza as the most dangerous place in the world to be a child. The U.N. Conference on Trade and Development said in a report released Oct. 21, 2024, that if the war ends tomorrow and Gaza returns to the status quo before Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel, it could take 350 years for its battered economy to return to its precarious prewar level.

A new report from the University of Cambridge and the Centre for Lebanese Studies in partnership with the UNRWA is the first to quantify the toll Israel’s genocide in Gaza has had on children, young people and teachers, and includes many interviews with vital actors in the field.

Learning Loss Has Accumulated in Gaza

Researchers of that report found that between 2019 and August 2024, schoolchildren in Gaza had already lost the equivalent of two academic years because of Covid-19 and Israel’s 2021 bombing campaign. As a result, a “learning poverty,” the proportion of children unable to read a basic text by age 10, has increased by at least 20%.

“We have accumulated a loss of learning. That which accumulated before the war, and another new loss that is happening now. The younger you are the more difficult it is to make it up. If this is prolonged – and we are moving into a protracted conflict – we are basically saying that a whole generation will be uneducated. It is not known when children will go back to school,” said Professor Maha Shuayb, director of the Centre for Lebanese Studies.

Shuayb is worried the daily attacks on Gaza’s schools will now spread to Lebanon and prevent children there from attending school. “That’s my worst nightmare, but that’s what happens when no one makes sure international law is protected. Schools have been systematically attacked, and huge numbers of children systematically killed or disabled, yet we seem unable to do anything. We are facing a really, really serious issue,” she added.

If Israel’s war on Gaza continues until 2026, the report suggests students would lose five years of education, and this is without taking into account the additional effects of mass displacement, hunger, disease, and trauma which are affecting the vast majority of the population. Life is being decimated in Gaza. Children have witnessed horrific things, which have left them with deep scars, and they are losing so much in terms of hope, a future, and human rights. This will change the way they see the world.

Gaza – A Child’s Mental Health Crisis in the Making

“Teachers told us of the difficulties they face when trying to educate their students about democracy, human rights, and international conventions in law, when all they see on a daily basis is that they are being abandoned,” said Yusuf Sayed, Professor of Education at the University of Cambridge.

The international community has failed Gaza’s children. More than 19,000 are orphaned, and many thousands have life changing injuries. Even before the events of Oct. 7, 98,000 children already had a disability. Their challenges have now worsened due to inaccessible shelters, lack of essential services and loss of  assistive devices, which are now entirely unavailable, as Israel prevented their entry into the Strip. Before Israel’s latest military offensive, more than 500,000 children were already in need of Mental Health and Psychosocial support in the Gaza Strip. Today, the figure is one million.

“Adults and children alike have undergone tremendous shock and suffering, with physical and mental scars that are shaping their world view and threatening their faith in any future, let alone in human rights,” said UNRWA Spokesperson Jonathan Fowler. “The consequences of constant military operations and forced displacement are taking a heavy toll on people’s mental health, and have exacerbated a preexisting mental health crisis, which was conditioned by years of blockade and recurrent hostilities. UNRWA social workers report a surge in symptoms of depression, stress, anxiety, and trauma among the people they serve – one that is especially noticeable among children, who have been bearing the brunt of this brutal war. In Gaza, every second person is a child. So, this is a children’s mental health crisis.”

Education Brings Hope to Gaza’s Children

Palestine has one of the world’s highest literacy rates, and Palestinians invest a huge amount in education as it provides their young people with the skills and knowledge needed to advocate for their rights, and contribute to their communities, and gives them hope. It also helps preserve Palestinian history, culture, and identity, and is a source of pride and identity for the population.

Some may see education as a luxury, especially when people are dying from hunger, and essential food and medical aid is blocked from entering Gaza. But the report reminds us that education offers much more than just academic achievement for these children. Children in Gaza have just been surviving – nothing more. There is a real need for some normalcy, a future vision and, in this respect, education is extremely important. 

School buildings that have not been destroyed have been repurposed as emergency shelters for some of Gaza’s 1.9 million internally displaced people, but these are extremely overcrowded and lack basic resources. They too have become the targets of Israeli attacks even though, under international humanitarian law, schools are protected during conflict.

Salem Abu Musleh, Ph.D. works for the Ministry of Education and Higher Education and is the Gaza coordinator of the Palestine Astrophysics Program. He and his family have been displaced several times due to the bombing and have been forced to travel backwards and forwards between Khan Younis and Rafah, looking for a safe place to stay. His son had been offered a scholarship to study in Turkey but has been unable to take up the offer, due to the border closure. Abu Musleh is now in Khan Younis teaching 14- to 18-year-olds. He says his classes – which take place either outside, in good weather, or in a tent that has been converted into a classroom – aim to not only increase his pupil’s knowledge, but also help with their psychological rehabilitation. 

“We use astrophysics to help our students express their feelings,” he said. “By teaching them about the sky, the stars and the galaxies, we try and give these girls and boys hope, and show them they can do, they can learn, and they can continue their lives, in spite of the war and the bad situation here in Gaza.”

Emergency Education Efforts Threatened by Restrictions Imposed by Israel

Although their rights are constantly violated, Palestinians are known for their resilience, and Israel’s attempts to erase them are constantly thwarted. Emergency education efforts are now on the rise all over Gaza. Small-scale initiatives, like Abu Musleh’s, aim to keep children learning and minimize the impacts of the genocide on their mental health. Temporary Learning Spaces provided by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs provide over 30,000 school-aged children with mental health support and essential literacy and numeracy skills. In August, UNRWA also began its “back to learning” program, which includes games, drama, arts, music and sports activities to try to the war’s impact on children’s mental health. 

But these emergency education efforts also face serious problems. They are not only threatened by ongoing Israeli violations, but also by the weather. Current restrictions on the entry of waterproof tents, and similar materials, mean that many are expected to face flooding without proper protection rendering makeshift schools inaccessible due to heavy rains during winter. 

“Now we are looking for plastic to cover some of the places, to protect our students from rain. We face such a great problem. There are no materials here, no plastic comes here. We have found some old plastic, but it’s not enough to cover the main area, so the problem still exists,” said Abu Musleh. 

Although the report focuses on schools, school-aged children and young people, university students have also suffered greatly. Sixth year medical student, Mohammed Al Zebda attended Gaza’s Al- Azhar University but, like many, was unable to take his final exams and graduate this year because Israel bombed his university. His educational journey took a drastic turn for the worst.

No Safe Place in Gaza

“As a student, my primary focus shifted to finding a safe place for me and my mother, and ensuring we had enough food, water and other necessities. It was nearly impossible to think about education while the Israeli army was bombing everywhere, and there was no safe place in Gaza,” Al Zebda.

He used to live in a beautiful area near to Al Shifa Hospital in Central Gaza but was displaced from his home within the first week of Israel’s bombing campaign.

“We took only the most necessary things – passport, essential papers, laptop, phone and some clothes. I remember each of my family members carrying a bag filled with clothes and important documents, nothing more,” he said. “Every previous war had lasted only one or two months, but we soon found this war was far more aggressive and unimaginable. My family and I were displaced four times, and this was an extremely tiring and stressful situation. During this time, I wished I could die, and my family and I witnessed death multiple times.”

In August 2023, he traveled to London to take part in a plastic surgery course in an effort to help the injured, and put his new skills to good use. For five months, Al Zebda assisted in a hospital emergency room and burns department.

“I saw and witnessed massacres right before my eyes; children without hands, without ears, and without legs, dead people, and injuries I had never studied before. I encountered difficult cases, including children with burned-out skulls, with their brains exposed outside their skulls,” he said.

In May, after waiting a month for his name to be called out, and paying $5000, Al Zebda managed to leave Gaza for Egypt, where he is now continuing his studies and working with Children Not Numbers to help injured children travel outside Gaza to receive treatment. He said that he is very grateful to this NGO for supporting his education, and now feels safe although he was “forced to start from zero.”

Immense Suffering of Faculty Staff and Students

Dr. Mohamed Riyad Zughbur, has been dean of the Palestine Faculty of Medicine at Al Azhar University for the past five years, and is one of Al Zebda’s lecturers. His home was blasted at the start of Israel’s bombing and he was displaced many times before reaching the safety of Egypt where he now resides. While recounting the university’s destruction, and the many deaths of faculty students and staff, Zughbur said he feels “indescribable sadness and pain.” Two of hi relatives attended the university but lost their lives when they were bombed by F-16 aircraft. Ten months later, their bodies were pulled out from the rubble.

“Some students are the last in their family to be killed by Israel, and that family is then permanently removed from the civil registry,” he said. “And there are students whose family members have all been killed, and they remain alive alone, struggling to survive. And there are students in the Faculty of Medicine who had limbs amputated after the bombing.’’

Al-Azhar’s Faculty of Medicine, which was established in 1999, was the first medical faculty in the Gaza Strip. Last year, Israeli forces bombed the building, destroying Zughbur’s dream of further developing the facility. “It is now 75% destroyed, and the infrastructure including sewage, communications and electricity, like everywhere else in Gaza, is no longer functioning,” he said. “After it was bombed, the Israeli army came in and destroyed laboratories and university archives, bulldozed lecture halls and looted the new laboratories.” 

The university resumed clinical training in late April, and an e-learning platform has been available for the rest of the university since June. Lectures are either through Zoom meetings or recorded and uploaded for students. However, there are still huge problems to face, with many faculty members struggling to protect their families and often not having enough food and water. Most are living in tents, so also struggle to charge their mobiles and phones, and lack internet.

But Zughbur said that despite the bombing, killing, and forced displacement, those students who have stayed in Gaza are committed to their training and are continuing their studies despite all the difficulties in their daily lives. No doubt, these students will play an important part in helping to rebuild Gaza’s health system when rebuilding starts, yet again.

Educational Resources in Short Supply, Even Before Oct. 7

Dr. Mohammed Albaba is the dean of Al-Azhar University’s Faculty of Dentistry, and the only staff member from his faculty who is still in Gaza. The others have left to safer places such as Egypt.

Since withdrawing its forces from Gaza in 2005, Israel has carried out five bombing campaigns there, and continues its 17-year land, sea and air blockade, heavily restricting many imports and virtually all exports, further isolating the strip. As a result, there is a complete lack of educational resources including books, pens, and paper. This problem has been exacerbated since Oct. 7.

“In terms of education, the blockade really affects our faculty’s improvement, and therefore our education level in Gaza,” said Albaba. “If I want some equipment for our university, it may take months or even years to get them here, if it arrives at all. But the blockade doesn’t just include equipment and goods, but also people. We faced, and continue to face, a real problem in travelling. For example, if there is a dental conference abroad, this would be impossible to go to.” 

There are two options for those wanting to leave Gaza – either to cross the border with Israel, which is almost impossible for Palestinians, or to cross by the Rafah Crossing, the border with Egypt. Even before Israel’s latest military attack, those crossing the Egyptian border had to pay the authorities thousands of dollars, but Albaba says this cost has now risen sharply.

Cost of Living Crisis has Led to a Staff Shortage

“The cost of crossing the border has now tripled since the start of the war,” Albaba said. “This is a total mess, and it’s impossible to improve anything. It does not only affect education. Many patients from Gaza face death, as they cannot afford to cross the border to seek medical treatment. Considering the situation people face, it’s also impossible for many of them to afford to leave Gaza, if they wanted to.”

This latest Israeli aggression has changed the lives of the people of Gaza beyond recognition, and they are exhausted. In common with Zughbur, Albaba has lost his home and has not been paid any wages but is continuing to volunteer as a Dean of the faculty because he is trying to help his students finish their education.

“The last time I was paid was two months ago,” he said. “The university hasn’t paid us any salary, because it has been destroyed. People have lost their lives, their homes, their money, so there is no income. But at the same time, we are trying to educate the students. Most of the University’s staff have now left Gaza, and are seeking jobs abroad, but we need staff, and they need financial support to continue their lives, and continue to work with their students.”

The huge financial problems have led to a staff shortage, so Albaba is looking for volunteer staff outside of Gaza, through Academic Solidarity With Palestine, a nonprofit which has proven invaluable to the many educational facilities in the region looking for volunteers at this difficult time. Al-Azhar used to be financed through student tuition fees, and some international support for the educational system, but this has all stopped. The university has been destroyed and the fees are not being paid. This is an extreme challenge as circumstances are especially difficult, and prices extremely high, while employees still need to support their families. But it is not only staff members who are suffering from financial hardship.

“Considering What Other People are Going Through, My Situation is Perfect!“

“Even if students have internet connections, many students don’t have the equipment. You at least need a laptop, but due to the financial problems people are facing they are now selling their laptops and their phones. They are even selling their clothes,” he said.

Lecturers and students alike are facing severe problems, not only with lack of internet, water and electricity, but also finding safe spaces to stay. Albaba has been displaced nine times since last October.

“You keep moving because you are running from the ground invasion, from place to place, looking for somewhere safe,” he said. “I have stayed with relatives, lived in a tent, rented a room for $500 a month which was not suitable for human beings, and now there are 10 of us, including my wife and son, staying in a store. This is my situation. It isn’t easy but considering what other people are going through, it’s perfect!”

Albaba considers himself lucky because he can, at the moment, cope with the financial problems he is facing, but says many other people unfortunately do not have this ability. Still, he is undecided about his future.

“This is my job. I want to stay in Gaza, but unfortunately after the war there will be nothing left here,” he said. “It’s a very difficult situation. I can’t explain in details what we are facing, but for now I am trying to do my best to help the students, as I am still in Gaza now although the other staff outside of Gaza are also supporting them.”

The future outcome of Gaza’s young people depends on when this war ends, and how quickly the education system is restored. 

Lack of Funding for Education

Once this genocide ends, there will be significant challenges in resuming the educational process. A permanent ceasefire is essential as a first step to rebuilding the education system. The blockade also needs to be lifted and the occupation ended. But children and young people cannot wait. They need access to safe educational spaces and learning activities now, to ensure their wellbeing. For this to happen there also must be increased educational funding. But funding has not been forthcoming. Every year, since 2003, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has launched a humanitarian appeal to support the Occupied Palestinian Territory, but education continues to be one of the least funded sectors. In this year’s $3.42 billion flash appeal, education received only 3.5% of the appeal funding. The United Kingdom only gives just over 2% of the appeal funding for education, while major donors such as the U.S. and Germany have completely neglected education in their aid packages.

When people are focused on a dire situation with loss of life, they think of the immediate emergency context, and not about education. But the report argues that there should not be a choice between one or the other. There needs to be adequate funding for both. For 76 years and counting, the international community has turned its back on the Palestinians, and their children. They should be given more than just the bare minimum to live, and need a secure future, with equal rights.

Education is central to stabilizing the decline in Gaza, and Sayed is still hopeful that the challenges can be met. “Things are bad, but if and when we get a permanent ceasefire, and allow things to stabilize, there is a strong possibility that with time, commitment and reconstruction that has Palestinians at the heart of it, we might be able to make up for some of the learning loss,” he said.

[Editor’s Note: Republished with permission. An earlier version of this report was first published in UK publication The Canary on 8 October, 2024, https://www.thecanary.co/long-read/2024/10/08/israel-gaza-education/).

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By Syed Ubaidur Rahman

Jan/Feb 25

History is being re-written in India, and textbooks are steadily being erased of medieval history dealing with the Muslim period. A fictional Hindu history is being developed that omits all references to Muslim history, although Islam has been in India since the 7th century. In 712 Muhammad bin Qasim (d. 715), the commander of the Umayyad kingdom, defeated and killed Dahir, the ruler of Sindh, in the battle.

This was followed by Mahmud of Ghazni’s (d. 1030) conquests and Muhammad of Ghur’s (d.1206) establishment of Delhi sultanate. The spread of Islamic rule to South India came during the reigns of Alauddin Khalji (d.1316) and Muhammad bin Tughluq (d.1351). Not only the Mughals, but also the Muslim ruling dynasties in Kashmir, Bengal, Malwa, Khandesh, Gujarat, Sharqis of Jaunpur; the Bahmanis of Gulbarga/Bidar; the successor Deccani Sultanates of Ahmednagar, Bijapur, and Golconda; as well as Nizam of Hyderabad and Mysore Sultanate of Hyder Ali (d.1782) and Tipu Sultan (d. 1799) were part of this expansion. 

Since gaining independence in 1947, and especially after the extreme right wing Hindu majoritarian party Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) ascension to power, the names of cities, gardens, and monuments have been changed to rewrite medieval India’s history. Fortunately, books authored by reputed scholars are still available and referred to. Muslims are integral to India, and their history will never disappear.

Such name changing is groundless. For example, the BJP wants to change Ahmednagar’s name to Ahilya Nagar, honoring the 18th-century Maratha queen Ahilyabai Holkar. The Sultanate of Ahmednagar or the Nizam Shahi Sultanate was a late medieval Indian Muslim kingdom located in the northwestern Deccan, between the sultanates of Gujarat and Bijapur, ruled by the Nizam Shahi or Bahri dynasty (John Horace Parry, “The Age of Reconnaissance,” the University of California Press. p. 246, 1981). It was established when Malik Ahmed (d.1510), the Bahmani governor of Junnar, declared independence after defeating the Bahmani army led by general Jahangir Khan on May 28, 1490, and established the Nizam Shahi dynasty of the Sultanate of Ahmednagar (Shailendra Sen, “A Textbook of Medieval Indian History,” Primus Books. p. 118, 2013). There was no town in existence there. So, what is the basis of this desired change? His father Malik Bahri, prime minister in the Brahmin empire, had converted and Ahmednagar was the empire’s most important state.

Similarly, Aurangabad is a historic town, a new city founded by Malik Anbar (d. 1626), prime minister of Murtaza Nizam Shah II (d.1610), sultan of Ahmednagar. Changing its name to Sambhaji Nagar after Sambhaji, Shivaji’s son who was killed in war with the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, is illogical.

It is important to teach the young generation about Muslim history and heritage and the great past. Over the past ten years, the author published six books on medieval Indian history, among them “Biographical Encyclopedia of Indian Muslim Freedom Fighters,” “Forgotten Muslim Empires of South India,” “Ulema’s Role in India’s Freedom Movement,” and, most recently, “Peaceful Expansion of Islam in India” . This 2024 book has become a talking point across India and beyond, as it debunks the fallacious notion of the local population’s forced conversion. Through meticulous research, it shows that Islam came to South India long before its arrival in the north, and spread due to the efforts of Arab and Persian merchants, along with the many Sufis who settled throughout India.  

Name changes cause historic places to lose their importance and people to forget them. Its background, the reason for giving the original name, and its founder will be forgotten. This is what the ruling junta desires – to wipe out our ancestors’ contributions and take away their credit for creating marvelous cities and monuments. BJP rulers thus aim to make Muslims irrelevant, which will have catastrophic impact. Although Muslim Indians are Indian citizens, they will feel let down and completely disconnected. 

Some of the references to the Mughals are being purged in school and college textbooks. However, books by Irfan Habib (professor emeritus, Aligarh Muslim University) and Richard Maxwell Eaton (professor of history, University of Arizona) which are referred to in books at the international level, will not disappear. They will remain in libraries, and the world will criticize India for fudging history.

Habib, among other books, has authored “The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 1556-1707,” “An Atlas of the Mughal Empire”, and “Atlas of Ancient Indian History.” Eaton, known for notable books on India’s pre-1800 history, focuses on the Deccan, the Bengal frontier, and Islam in India. Some of his notable works include “Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States,” “India in the Persianate Age: 1000-1765,” “Essays on Islam and Indian History” (Oxford University Press: 2000), “Approaches to the Study of Conversion to Islam in India in Religious Movements in South Asia 600-1800” (Oxford University Press: 2005), and “Temple Desecration and Muslim States in Medieval India.”

The new history will be worthless once India’s original history reappears. It is important to circulate authentic and authoritative books on this history.

India should rise above such bias and appreciate scholars like Ram Puniyani who was a professor at the Indian Institute of Technology in Bombay and has been involved with human rights activities and initiatives to oppose Hindu fundamentalism in India. 

Muslims history in India dates back hundreds of years. Muslims are an indisputable and integral part of India, and no one can separate them. The known earliest mention of Muslims in Kerala is in the Quilon Syrian copper plates of 9th century CE, granted by the ruler of Kollam (C.G. Cereti, [2009]. “The Pahlavi Signatures on the Quilon Copper Plates” In W. Sundermann, A. Hintze, and F. de Blois, [eds.], Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, Germany).

Muslims have and continue to make contributions to India. For example, the country’s oldest college, Zakir Husain Delhi College (renamed to honor Zakir Husain, a distinguished educator and president of India [1967-69]) was established in 1693, when Ghaziuddin Khan , one of the Aurangzeb’s leading Deccan commanders and the first Nizam of Hyderabad’s father, founded a madrasa. 

The upheavals that weakened the Mughal empire during the 18th century resulted in the madrasa’s closure in the early 1790s. However, with the support of Delhi’s wealthy citizens, a college for literature, science and art, was established at the site in 1792. Instruction was provided in prose, literature, rhetoric, logic, philosophy, jurisprudence, astrology, and medicine. In 1824, it was engrafted onto this institution by the British East India Company’s government. Nawab Itmad-ud-daula, the Oudh Vazir (chief executive), provided an endowment of Rs. 1.7 million in 1829, which would be an estimated Rs. 80 million today, to promote learning. Instruction was imparted chiefly in Persian and Arabic, and there was also a Sanskrit department.

Muslims are here to stay.

Syed Ubaidur Rahman is director of Global Media Publications, New Delhi, India.

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By Imam Saffet Catovic

Jan/Feb 25

On September 24, 2024, the State of Missouri committed an irreversible and grievous act: it executed Marcellus Williams, a black man who maintained his innocence until his last breath. 

Imam Marcellus “Khalifah” Williams’ unjust execution starkly highlights the systemic racism and deep-seated biases that plague the American judicial system – issues rooted in a painful history of discrimination against African Americans. While the United States has made strides toward justice, this tragedy serves as a poignant reminder of the distance we still must cover in dismantling the legacy of racial inequality that persists in our society.

Despite compelling evidence suggesting his innocence, Williams – wrongfully convicted of a 1989 rape and murder – was denied clemency, even as the prosecuting attorney and the victim’s family appealed for the execution to be halted. This heartbreaking outcome underscores a system that often prioritizes punishment over justice, silencing the voices that seek truth, healing and accountability.

Disproportionate Incarceration Rates

Williams’ plight is not an isolated incident; it reflects a broader pattern of racial injustice in the United States. According to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), African Americans are incarcerated at more than five times the rate of white Americans. In 2021, black men made up approximately 33% of the male prison population, despite comprising only 6% of the U.S. population. This stark disparity reveals a system that disproportionately targets black individuals.

A study by the Prison Policy Initiative found that black Americans are more likely to be sentenced to prison than white Americans for similar offenses. For instance, black individuals receive sentences that are, on average, 19.1% longer than those given to their white counterparts for the same crimes. This disparity is further exacerbated by racial profiling, which leads to higher arrest rates and, consequently, higher incarceration rates among black communities.

Judicial Miscarriages and the Innocence Project

The Innocence Project highlights another layer of injustice: wrongful convictions. According to their data, over 70% of the 375 DNA exonerations in the U.S. involved people of color. Racial bias in jury selection and prosecutorial decisions significantly contributes to these miscarriages of justice. For example, a study by the Equal Justice Initiative found that Black defendants are more likely to be wrongfully convicted than white defendants, with the risk of wrongful conviction being 2.5 times higher for Black individuals.

In many cases, these wrongful convictions arise from faulty witness identifications, coerced confessions, and/or prosecutorial misconduct. The Innocence Project reports that mistaken eyewitness identification contributes to nearly 75% of wrongful convictions. Furthermore, the prevalence of implicit bias among jurors can result in unfair judgments against black defendants, leading to longer sentences and, in extreme cases, the death penalty as in the case of Imam Marcellus Williams.

In Williams’ case, the St. Louis County prosecutor’s office filed a 63-page motion to vacate his 2001 conviction for the killing of a journalist in her home. The prosecutor noted new DNA evidence that exonerated Williams along with  growing doubts about the credibility of key witnesses heaped upon violations of Williams’  constitutional rights during his trial.  Among these were ineffective counsel provided to Williams and racially discriminatory jury selection all of which prompted the reviewing attorney to request the circuit court to “correct this manifest injustice”.

The Death Penalty and Racial Disparities

Williams’s execution  exemplifies the racial inequities present in the judicial system. According to the Death Penalty Information Center, black defendants are more likely to receive the death penalty than white defendants. In fact, a 2019 study found that Black individuals made up 41% of those on death row, despite representing only 13% of the U.S. population. Moreover, cases involving white victims are more likely to result in a death sentence for black defendants, highlighting a racial bias that permeates capital punishment.

Imam Williams’ execution is a tragic example of how this bias can manifest. His trial, along with mountains of statistical evidence cataloguing judicial discrimination in the U.S., indicates a deeply flawed process that often prioritizes racial bias over justice. His unjust death at the hands of the State of Missouri raises important questions about the integrity of a system that allows such stark disparities to continue. 

The Role of Systemic Racism

The injustices faced by individuals like Williams stem from a complex web of systemic racism, which manifests through structural and institutional biases. Racism is not merely an individual prejudice but a pervasive system that impacts policies, practices, and social norms. As Ruth King explains in Mindful of Race: Transforming Racism from the Inside Out, racism is a societal “heart disease” that can only be addressed through awareness and education.

Culturally enforced norms rooted in the past of wrongful enslavement of Africans continue to fuel structural and institutional racism today. For instance, racial profiling and discriminatory policing practices contribute to the over-policing of black communities. A 2020 American Civil Liberties Union report states that black individuals are three times more likely to be stopped by police than white individuals despite similar rates of drug use and other criminal activity across racial groups.

Another example of these systemic and systematic racial injustices is that of Imam Jamil Al-Amin (formerly H. Rap Brown), a prominent Muslim American leader and civil rights activist. He gained recognition in the 1960s as a member of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and later as chairman of the Black Panther Party. In 2002, Imam Jamil was convicted of murdering a sheriff’s deputy in Atlanta, Georgia., a crime he has consistently denied committing.

His case further underscores systemic racism and failures within the criminal justice system. Many observers argue that his conviction was influenced by racial bias, including the context of his activism and the prejudiced perceptions of black leaders at the time. According to a report from the Center for Constitutional Rights, Imam Jamil’s trial was also marked by significant irregularities, including inadequate legal representation and questionable witness testimonies. 

Moreover, the prosecution’s reliance on racial stereotypes and the media’s portrayal of him as a violent radical contributed to a biased narrative that overshadowed the evidence. The racial dynamics at play in his case exemplify how the justice system can disproportionately affect African Americans, particularly those with a history of activism. This highlights a broader pattern of injustice, where race and social standing significantly influence legal outcomes.

Building Solidarity in the Fight for Justice

As an organization dedicated to supporting African American Muslims, Muslim Alliance in North America (MANA) recognizes that the Muslim community is intertwined with this struggle. They must come together to address these injustices and advocate for reform within the judicial system. The fight for justice is not solely the responsibility of marginalized communities; it requires solidarity from all who seek equity and fairness.

In the wake of tragedies like Williams’ execution, we are reminded of the ongoing work needed to combat systemic racism, judicial inequities, and social injustices. All people must continue to raise awareness, educate themselves and others, and stand in solidarity with those affected by these injustices.

Williams’ case serves as a painful reminder of the systemic injustices that persist in the American judicial system. As one reflects on his life and the injustices he faced, one must remain resolute in their vision for an America where justice, equality, and compassion reign. The statistics surrounding racial disparities in incarceration, wrongful convictions, and the death penalty underscore the urgent need for reform.

Believers are commanded in the Quran, “O you who believe, be upright for God, and be bearers of witness with justice!” (5:8), They are further commented, “O you who have believed, be persistently standing firm in justice, witnesses for Allah, even if it be against yourselves or parents and relatives. Whether one is rich or poor, Allah is more worthy of both” (4:135).

In the spirit of justice, let all people unite against these injustices, hold accountable those who perpetuate them, and work toward a judicial system that serves all individuals fairly. Together, all people can strive for an America that embodies the principles of fairness, compassion, and the unwavering protection of innocent lives.

Imam Saffet Catovic is director of UN Operations for Justice For All and board member of MANA.

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By Rasheed Rabbi

Jan/Feb 2025

For over 1,400 years, Muslims across the world have been observing Ramadan – a sacred month of fasting and spiritual renewal, a timeless journey of faith that rekindles the soul and strengthens the bond with God. 

Growing up Muslim, I embraced Ramadan rituals wholeheartedly: fasting from dawn to dusk, engaging in extra (tarawee) prayers, and cherishing the warmth of community gatherings. Yet, one encounter forever changed how I experienced this holy month. That moment marked the beginning of a new relationship with Ramadan – one not merely observed but truly lived.

It was a Friday afternoon and I had just stepped out of the Jummah prayer at the mosque when I bumped into a community member. His was a very familiar face, but his radiant smile and sparkling eyes betrayed an uncontainable excitement. Before we could even exchange pleasantries, he leaned in and, with the intensity of someone sharing a secret, asked, “Are you ready for your Ramadan revelation?”

I dismissed his question initially as overzealous enthusiasm and responded casually, referencing pre-Ramadan programs in our mosque and that day’s khutbah. Yet, as I walked away, his glowing demeanor lingered in my mind. A pang of guilt began to creep in – why didn’t I feel the same anticipation? What was I missing?

Determined to understand, I turned back to him and asked, “What excites you the most about Ramadan?” 

Instantaneously with a mysterious smile, he replied, “Can you guess?” I rattled off a few well-known blessings of Ramadan. “Is it because Satan will be chained? Or that our good deeds will be multiplied seventy times?”

He nodded his head. “More than that!”

I added, “Is it the arrival of endless blessings? Or the opening of Paradise and the closing of hellfire for an entire month?” His silence and unwavering smile made me more intrigued, and I continued, “Is it that, every night of Ramadan, a number of people will be freed from hellfire unconditionally out of God’s Mercy?” 

Yet his unchanged expression prompted me to press on, quoting familiar verses from the Quran to emphasize my point. It must be “the arrival of Laylat al-Qadr, the Night of Decree, greater than a thousand months (Quran 97:1-3)?” Or the de-facto Ramadan verses quoted in all sermons (Khutbas),“O you who believe, fasting is prescribed for you as it was prescribed for those before you, so that you may attain taqwa” (2:183).

God-Consciousness and the Ramadan Revelation 

He nodded his head slowly, saying, “Close, but not quite there!” He went on to explain that from verses 2:40 to 182, God explicitly called out the Children of Israel, recounting the countless blessings He had bestowed upon them despite their repeatedly refusal of His commands. As a final mercy, fasting was prescribed for them as a tool to purify their hearts and cultivate God-consciousness (2:183). The following verse describes a period of fasting of “a few days” (2:184) indicating that this fast is not Ramadan fasting for a whole month. Still, the Children of Israel struggled to embrace this process, failing to grasp the transformative potential of fasting. 

Then, with a deliberate shift, God moves from ancient narratives to offer the timeless decree: “Ramadan is the month for the Qur’an revelation as guidance for humanity and clear proofs of guidance and criterion” (2:185). My friend paused, his eyes glinting with meaning. “This verse,” he continued, “is the very heart of Ramadan, if you take a moment to reflect on it.”

A flicker of pride sparked within me, and I couldn’t resist sharing, “I know this verse.” I said, perhaps too quickly, “It’s the only verse in the Quran that explicitly mentions Ramadan.”

His lips broke into an encouraging smile. “It’s neither merely a historical reference point for the Qur’an’s first revelation nor about competing to complete the Qur’an for extra barakah during the month,” he replied. “It’s about preparing yourself to let the Quran descend upon you anew.” 

His words gave me pause. Before I could dismiss them as overly abstract, he continued with clarity and conviction: all the attributes of Ramadan – 70+ fold rewards, the closure of hellfire, the opening of paradise – are merely teasers. They set the stage to settle our hearts and harvest the greater goal of fasting: achieving God-consciousness (taqwa) and with it, a free heart that can receive revelation from God. 

Fasting is the Gateway to True Freedom

My friend went on to remind me that the word for fasting, sawm, literally means “to make oneself free.” This freedom is not limited to abstaining from food or drink; it’s a liberation from the baggage that binds our souls. It’s a freedom from sensory appetites, freedom from errors and sins, and freedom to attain a state of lasting liberation for our heart and inner self. 

Today the idea of freedom is used to easily beguile us into misconceptions of self-indulgence. We frequently mistake freedom for our unchecked pursuit of desires. While seeking freedom, our indulgences – food, drink, distractions, fears, and countless other habits – become invisible bondages that keep us tethered to a false sense of liberty.

True freedom, however, lies in breaking these bonds. Abstinence from food and drink frees our bodies from overindulgence, aiming to clear the haze that clouds our inner vision. As Satan is restrained during Ramadan, and fasting quietens the clamor of our sensory whispers (114:4), our souls rise above the dominion of the carnal self and attune to its pure essence, the fitra – our original state of being (30:30).. So, fasting is not mere deprivation; it’s an act of releasing the sensory appetite while preparing the soul for its divine commune.

The link between fasting and freedom began to resonate me, but the idea of revelation still felt elusive. Sensing my confusion, my friend urged me to think beyond the narrow interpretations of divine revelation exclusive to prophets through the Angel Gabriel. 

He continued, “And it is not for a man that God should speak to him except by direct revelation, or from behind a veil, or by sending a messenger to reveal by His command what He pleases. Surely, He is Mighty, Wise. And thus, have We revealed to thee the Word by Our command. Thou didst not know what the Book was, nor what was the faith. But We have made the revelation a light, whereby We guide such of Our servants as We please. And truly thou dost guide mankind to the right path” (42:52-53).

This verse demonstrates that the current context and form of our revelation are indeed different, but the essence is the same. Revelation is a light (42:53) to gain Godly insight into life and it takes place within the human heart (26:192), not just through the ears or mind. Fasting enforces the required setting to liberate our hearts where the light can descend from the Light (24:35), to let us look through His signs (ayat) beyond the letters. 

The Quran is not a destination, but a direction (2:2, 3:4) to look through the essence of God that animates everything in existence, every parable of life (18:54; 30:58). Revelation, whether Quran [2:185, 25:1], Torah [2:53; 21:48], or personal inspiration (42:51), is Furqan, a criterion (2:53, 185; 25:1), that distinguishes right from wrong. Such a righteous way of life ensures glad tidings (10:64). Thus, receiving personal revelation during Ramadan means nurturing a lasting inspiration within our hearts to elevate the ordinary to the extraordinary, the mundane to the divine. 

Fasting across Faiths and Eras

All prophets and leaders across almost all major religions, embrace fasting as a primary spiritual practice. Hinduism(est. 5000 BCE), has neither a founder nor any one sacred scripture, yet fasting is prescribed to achieve the Hindu Trinity of purity, passion, and inertia.Judaism (est.1500 to 1350 BCE) holds that Moses (‘alayi as salam) the great Prophet, fasted for 40 days before he received his prophethood. Jainism (600 BCE) teaches that Mahavira attained nirvana while he was fasting. Around the same period, in 550 BCE, Buddhism emerged and Buddha fasted for 49 days and nights to attain enlightenment.   

Confucius, the founder of Confucianismfasted, and encouraged mass fasting for purification within the Chinese empire. Similarly, Shintoism, an ancient Japanese religion that emerged around 500 BCE stressed purification through fasting. In Christianity (est. 1-33 CE), Jesus (‘alayhi as salam) received scripture after fasting for 40 days. His example established the practice of the Lenten Fast. Finally, in 570-632 CE, Prophet Muhammad (salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) received his Revelation while meditating on Mount Hira to proclaim the foundations of Islam. 

All these leaders fasted not only for self-discipline but to receive individual revelation, whether in formal scripture or informal inspiration and to transcend the ordinary in their lives. For it’s not the poison of the devil that ruins our longing for the divine, but it’s the dribble of plain water that we drink in routine. It’s not the banquet of the wicked that diverts us from being noble, but the endless nibbling at our dining table. It’s not the toxin of Satan that turns us away, but the indulgence into the gracious gifts of God, that lead us astray from His love. Such mundane serfdom can successfully be liberated by mindful fasting.

“Allah intends for you ease, not burden” (2:185) with Ramadan, which is not a test of endurance but a divine invitation for a month-long transformation of our hearts to receive divine light and lasting insights that will alter our lives forever. With this sacred season on the horizon, may we rise to meet its universal call to open ourselves to the illuminating light of God’s timeless revelation. 

Rasheed Rabbi is an IT professional who earned an MA in Religious Studies from Hartford Seminary. He  is currently pursuing a Doctor of Ministry from Boston University and is also the founder of e-Dawah (www.edawah.net) and secretary of the Association of Muslim Scientists, Engineers & Technology Professionals. He serves as a khateeb and Friday prayer leader at the ADAMS Center and is a certified Muslim chaplain.

The post Are You Ready for Your Ramadan Revelation? appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Umberine Abdullah 

Jan/Feb 25

Since 1949, October 12 has marked a solemn day of national mourning for the Uyghur who originate from East Turkistan which China now calls Xingang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). 

In remembrance, last October, dozens of Uyghurs and their supporters gathered outside the White House to commemorate and protest 75 years of China’s military invasion of East Turkistan.

For 75 years and going, China has enforced a regime of genocide, systematic colonization, and mass oppression upon these Turkic people. Officially China recognizes 55 ethnic groups such as Uyghurs, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, and other mostly Muslim-minority groups in addition to the Chinese Han majority.
China’s claims over East Turkistan are not rooted in historical truth. On October 12, 1949, Chinese communist forces invaded East Turkistan – which borders Russia, Pakistan and several Central Asian nations – with Soviet support, initiating one of the longest and most brutal occupations in modern history. 

Despite recognition of China’s atrocities as ongoing genocide by the U.S. and over a dozen Western countries, as well as recognition by the UN as “crimes against humanity,” it is business as usual with China. For instance, Justice For All’s Save Uyghur Campaign expressed deep concern about the findings in a 2024 report in the Turkistan Times titled “Side Effects: The Human Rights Implications of Global Pharmaceutical Supply Chain Linkages to XUAR”. It exposes significant connections between the global pharmaceutical industry – where India is a dominant force and implicated in these supply chains – and forced labor practices in East Turkistan. 

75 years after China invaded East Turkistan – now a population of 26 million people – and over a decade since it launched its campaign of genocide in May 2014, the Uyghur and other Turkic people continue to endure mass incarceration, enslavement through forced labor, forced sterilizations, and the systematic erasure of their cultural and national identity.

An example of such erasure was cited by Human Rights Watch and the Norway-based organization Uyghur Hjelp (also known as Uyghuryar) documents about 630 communities that the Chinese government has such renamed, mostly during the height of a crackdown on Uyghur that several governments and human rights bodies have called a genocide. The report adds, “The new names removing religious, historical or cultural references are among thousands of otherwise benign name changes between 2009 and 2023.” The report quotes Rayhan Asat, a Uyghur human rights lawyer and senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, whose brother disappeared into the Xinjiang detention regime in 2016, told the changes were part of Beijing’s “overarching objective to eradicate the Uyghur culture and people entirely and create a system of apartheid”.

Repression under Communist rule, particularly during the violent and xenophobic 1966-76 Cultural Revolution, stirred deep animosity in Xinjiang toward the government, aggravated further by the migration of Han to the region and their domination of political and economic life.

The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) released a report on August 31, 2022, which concluded that “[t]he extent of arbitrary and discriminatory detention of members of Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim groups, pursuant to law and policy, in context of restrictions and deprivation more generally of fundamental rights enjoyed individually and collectively, may constitute international crimes, in particular crimes against humanity.” The Chinese government denies having committed any human rights abuses.

The U.S. and others have labeled China’s policies against Xinjiang minorities as “genocide.” China, however, has always denied targeting Uyghurs and others for their religion and culture, denouncing the accusations as a confection of lies by the West and saying its crackdown was aimed at quashing separatism, terrorism and religious extremism.

For China, this northwest region that is about three times the size of France, is of strategic importance. The ancient Silk Road – established during the Han Dynasty 2,000 years ago – trade route linking China, and the Middle East passed through Xinjiang, a legacy that can be seen in the traditional open-air bazaars of its oasis cities, Hotan and Kashgar. Xinjiang is an important link in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), sometimes referred to as the New Silk Road, and in China known as the One Belt One Road, a massive development plan stretching through Asia and Europe, involving more than 150 countries and international organizations.

The region is also important to China because besides having the second largest pastureland, it is one of the major sheep farming areas and China’s finewool production base. It is rich in energy resources, and has the largest reserves of oil, natural gas and coal in the country.

Unsurprisingly, mindful of the riches, the Chinese government has used violent against groups like the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) to point to a larger problem with terrorism in the region, especially in the wake of events like the 2009 mass riots that broke out in Urumqi, which killed 194 people and injured thousands more. To address these concerns, Beijing has progressively strengthened its security presence over the last decade. In 2010, domestic security spending in Xinjiang increased by 90%. 

On Feb. 1, 2018, XUAR revealed a stunning 92.8 % increase in its domestic security spending: from 30.05 billion RMB in 2016 to 57.95 billion RMB in 2017. Within a decade, this figure has increased nearly ten-fold, up from 5.45 billion RMB in 2007. Interestingly, it was only in 2020 that the U.S. removed ETIM from its list of terrorist organizations.

East Turkestan has experienced two brief periods of independence, The first republic (East Turkestan Republic) was established on Nov. 12, 1943, and was disestablished on April 16, 1944. The second republic was a short-lived satellite state of the Soviet Union in northern Xinjiang (East Turkestan), which existed from 1944 to 1946. It emerged from the Ili Rebellion in three districts of Xinjiang Province: Ili, Tarbagatay and Altay.

The East Turkestan Independence Movement first began to take shape in 1933. Every historical event has its elements of chance, but how was the unprecedented East Turkestan Independence Movement able to so quickly mobilize the population, and erupt ubiquitously and simultaneously across the territory of Xinjiang? These circumstances indicate that early modern Xinjiang society harbored simmering ethnic problems.

After unrest in the region and a series of riots and attacks by the Uyghur between 2014 to 2017, the Chinese president, Xi Jinping, launched his Strike Hard Campaign Against Violent Terrorism, leading to the establishment of the camps. The UN estimated that since then about one million people have been detained in these extrajudicial centers.

Beijing, however, calls them vocational education and training centers. But critics say they are used to indoctrinate Uyghurs and other minority ethnic groups with the goal of transforming them into devotees of the Chinese Communist party.

In a statement, Mamtimin Ala, Ph.D., president of the East Turkistan Government in Exile (ETGE) – who is self-exiled in Sydney, Australia  – declared: “The time for words alone has passed. We call on Canada, the U.S., and all nations that champion freedom and human rights to act decisively. Recognize East Turkistan for what it is: an occupied country. Support our right to external self-determination and our struggle to recover our sovereignty. Anything less will allow China to continue its genocide with impunity.”

China’s atrocities in Occupied East Turkistan are not isolated human rights abuses – it is a deliberate strategy of genocide. The goal, ETGE contends, is to wipe out an entire people and their rich cultural heritage, a campaign that the international community can no longer afford to ignore. China’s ongoing campaign of colonization, genocide, and occupation in East Turkistan must be recognized as part of a broader global threat posed by authoritarianism and unchecked state violence.

In December 2021, U.S. enacted into law, the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act (UFLPA), establishing a rebuttable presumption that goods produced wholly or in part in the XUAR or by an entity on the UFLPA Entity List are made with forced labor and prohibited from importation into the U.S. under 19 U.S.C.

The U.S. intentions for Uyghur rights do not seem so altruistic, when it not only looks aside, but supports far worst human right abuses in Occupied Palestine.

Umbrine Abdullah is a freelance writer.

The post China Continues to Stifle Turkic People  appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Md. Mahmudul Hasan 

Jan/Feb 25

Many believe that Islam and English literature are mutually exclusive. Some people may even shudder at the thought of integrating one into the other.  

English literature’s global reach is often greeted with disquiet, as it’s considered a corollary to Britain’s colonial expansion. What’s more, its study is generally believed to be unsuited to the needs of non-British or non-Western readers. In a 2019 essay, Esmaeil Zeiny of Tehran’s Kharazmi University argues that reading this literary tradition is interpreted as “celebrating the Anglo-American canonical literature.”

British-Zimbabwean writer Doris Lessing, the 2007 Nobel laureate in literature, had limited formal schooling. In “Doris Lessing: The Poetics of Change”(1994), literary scholar Gayle Greene states, “When she was seven Lessing was sent to school at the Roman Catholic Convent in Salisbury [now Harare], and at thirteen she transferred to the Girls High School, also in Salisbury, but withdrew at fourteen.”

Simply stated, Lessing was largely self-taught. In 1982, when asked if she regretted not studying at a university, she responded, “But I’m glad that I was not educated in literature and history and philosophy, which means that I did not have this Euro-centered thing driven into me, which I think is the single biggest hang-up Europe has got. It’s almost impossible for anyone in the West not to see the West as the God-given gift to the world.”

Clearly, Lessing detests the replacement of indigenous knowledge systems with Eurocentric education and correlates humanities subjects like English literature with colonial hegemony over the (formerly) colonized.

Similarly, in “Culture and Imperialism” (1993), Edward Said characterizes imperialism as “an educational movement” (p.269). In the same vein, in her 1988 essay “Currying Favor: The Politics of British Educational and Cultural Policy in India, 1813-1854”, Said’s student Gauri Viswanathan of New York’s Columbia University states, “The English literary text functioned as a surrogate Englishman in his highest and most perfect state…. The split between the material and the cultural practices of colonialism is nowhere sharper than in the progressive rarefaction of the rapacious, exploitative, and ruthless actor of history into the reflective subject of literature.”

During the British colonial period, Englishmen acted as colonial administrators and harbingers of imperial modernity in different parts of the world. Since their departure, the cultural role of spreading British values has partly been played by English literary texts. This approach makes the colonized glance away from imperial plunder and pillage and immerse themselves into various strands of literary and philosophical musings.

According to John McLeod of the University of Leeds, “The teaching of English literature in the colonies must be understood as part of the many ways in which Western colonial powers such as Britain asserted their cultural and moral superiority while at the same time devaluing indigenous cultural products” (“Beginning Postcolonialism,” 2000, p.140). 

All these arguments suggest that introducing English literature helped reinforce the notion of British cultural dominance. As a result, it reduced indigenous literature to the level of a provincial, inferior and inchoate culture.

Indigenous Canadian but Western-educated scholar Marie Battiste discusses the (ir)relevance of English literature to postcolonial societies. She “speaks with an authoritative double consciousness” and “provides important empirical perspectives aligning Western educational systems with coloniality.” 

In her 1998 essay, Battiste argues, “We cannot continue to allow Aboriginal students to be given a fragmented existence in a curriculum that does not mirror them, nor should they be denied understanding the historical context that has created the fragmentation” (“Enabling the autumn seed,” Canadian Journal of Native Education, 22.1 [1998]). 

In 1968, Kenyan writer Ngugi wa Thiong’o and his colleagues Taban Lo Liyong and Peter Awuor Anyumba at the University of Nairobi’s English Department wrote a note titled “On the abolition of the English Department.” They sought to make a case against the dominance of English literature in Africa and, by extension, other non-Western societies. As a result, the university’s English Department was renamed the Department of Literature.

In that memo, the three formidable Kenyan literary scholars stated, “For any group it is better to study representative works which mirror their society rather than to study a few isolated ‘classics,’ either of their own or of a foreign culture” (quoted in Killam, “African literature and Canada, The Dalhousie Review, 53 [1973-74]).

The word “mirror” in the above quote and in Battiste’s paper is important. The literary texts – Western or Eastern – taught to students should mirror their present-day, pervasive concerns as well as the life and struggles of their time’s underprivileged people.

Moreover, the literature should reflect comparable social realities in the wider world that we inhabit. The literature classes’ content should be relevant to the students’ lives and encourage their engagement and interest. For example, in terms of the context and reflection of reality, Charles Dickens’ “Oliver Twist” is relevant to our time and retains its own historical context. Its major themes – such as corruption, criminality, injustice, poverty and an unfeeling society – resonate with present-day social conditions in many parts of the world.

Thus, the novel can be characterized as a global text of enormous scope and with worldwide appeal. It compels readers to contextualize the titular protagonist’s experiences in their surroundings and acknowledge that the kind of life in which the novel was produced is not unique.

When teaching “Oliver Twist” to Muslim students, an educator can easily relate Dickens’ portrayal of oppression, exploitation and degradation of vulnerable groups in society to Islam’s strong, primordial emphasis on justice and ending all forms of injustice: “Say: My Lord enjoins justice” (7:29).

Another verse reads, “And how could you refuse to fight in the cause of God and of the utterly helpless men and women and children who are crying, ‘O our Sustainer! Lead us forth [to freedom] out of this land whose people are oppressors, and raise for us, out of Thy grace, a protector, and raise for us, out of Thy grace, one who will bring us succor!’” (4:75).

Therefore, correlating this novel’s central thesis to Islam lends the text greater legitimacy and credibility in the eyes of Muslim readers.

In March 2023, The New Yorker published Nathan Heller’s essay “The End of the English Major.” As the title indicates, the essay argues that enrolment in English departments at U.S. universities is “in free fall.”

While subjects in the humanities are losing out to the bread-and-butter fields of STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) in the West, the field of English literature in Muslim-majority countries is at risk for its underlying Eurocentrism, foreignness and irrelevance to Muslim realities.

In a time when this field is at risk of dying out or disappearing from the syllabi, seeing English literary texts through the lens of Islam will establish its relevance and context for the Muslim audience and ground them in Muslim societies.

In light of the decolonizing or indigenizing of Eurocentric education, providing Islamic perspectives on English literature will establish this literary tradition’s importance, significance and applicability to Muslims. In other words, interpreting English texts through the lens of Islam has a salvific value in terms of continuing their teaching and learning in Muslim-majority countries.

The pinnacle of the glory and global prestige of English literature is perhaps behind us. Therefore, learning its texts from Muslim perspectives may generate new insights and provide it with new trajectories of academic research. This new lens will make those works relevant to, and prolong their prevalence in, Muslim societies by way of exploring points of convergence and divergence between Islam and the literary tradition.

Any literary tradition bears the risk of becoming anachronistic if it loses relevance to its audience’s real world experiences or fails to enrich its readers’ understanding of the meaning of life. What students encounter in the text should offer an analysis of the past and present (oppressive) social conditions and have a perennial appeal to the reader globally. This will spare English literature the charges of Eurocentric bias, disconnect or anachronism.

Md. Mahmudul Hasan, PhD, is professor in the Department of English Language and Literature, International Islamic University Malaysia. He edits Asiatic: IIUM Journal of English Language and Literature. An earlier version of this essay appeared on https://www.islamicity.org/ on May 20, 2024. 

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By Mohammed Younus, Saad Ahmad Khan, and Attaulla Khan

Jan/Feb 2025

Islam, as a community-based religion, specifically emphasizes self-care and community support. Prophet Muhammad (salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) spoke about the value of kindness to oneself and others, emphasizing compassion and the importance of seeking help when in need. Islamic principles encourage addressing mental health issues with the same seriousness as physical health, emphasizing that seeking medical or psychological assistance is not a sign of weakness. This underscores the crucial role of the community in supporting individuals facing mental health challenges.

Abu Huraira (radi Allahu ‘anh) reported that the Prophet said, “The strong believer is better and more beloved to God than the weak believer, while there is good in both. Strive for that which will benefit you, seek the help of God, and do not feel helpless” (Sahih Muslim 2664; Book 46, Hadith 52). This hadith encourages Muslims to be proactive in seeking solutions to their problems, and to rely on God’s help while also acting. Such problems would include but would not be limited to mental health challenges.

Muslims of medieval times strove to advance sciences and medicine. Ibn Sina (d.1037 CE), credited as the founder of modern medicine, codified symptoms and treatments of various diseases in his famous Canon of Medicine. As a result of his efforts, Muslims of that period not only understood diseases of the body but also had a keen understanding of diseases of the mind. Ibn Sina’s work included psychiatric disorders such as dementia, depression, mania, and melancholia. In fact, Muslims in medieval Baghdad had hospitals with some of the first in-patient mental health treatment facilities in the world. Claiming such a rich legacy, one may ask the question, what are the attitudes of contemporary Muslims towards mental health today? Have Muslims kept pace in modern times, matching our predecessors’ tempo? 

Mental health challenges such as depression, anxiety, and stress affect millions of people worldwide, and Muslims in the United States are no exception. However, there is limited research specifically focusing on the mental health of Muslims in the United States. A Pew Research Center study states, “Among Muslim American adults who were born abroad, more come from South Asia (35%) than any other region. An additional 23% were born in different parts of the Asia Pacific region (such as Iran, Indonesia, etc.); 25% came from the Middle East-North Africa region, 9% came from sub-Saharan Africa, 4% were born in Europe and 4% come from elsewhere in the Americas.” Mental health issues in Muslim communities can vary based on social and cultural factors with the individual’s, particularly the country of origin having a particularly significant impact. Despite these cultural differences, the Muslim communities can unite over some standard social features and several shared life experiences.

To better understand these issues and Muslim attitudes towards mental health in the U.S., we surveyed our local Baltimore, Maryland, area mosques both in person and through and online questionnaire in summer of 2023. 

Our mental health survey of the Muslim community received 288 responses, with a gender distribution of 70% males and 30% females. This survey provided valuable insights into how Muslims perceive and experience mental health.

Respondents were asked to self-rate their mental health, with the majority describing it as “good” (40.4%) or “excellent” (37.6%). A smaller proportion rated their mental health as “fair” (16.4%) or “poor” (5.6%). However, when assessed using the PHQ-9 – a well-established tool for measuring depression severity – discrepancies arose. Several respondents who rated their mental health as “excellent” or “good” exhibited moderate to severe depression symptoms according to the PHQ-9, indicating underlying mental health concerns that were not self-reported.

These findings suggest that a significant portion of respondents may either be unaware of their existing mental health condition, or may be hesitant to acknowledge symptoms of depression, presumably due to social stigma or cultural barriers. The gap between self-perception and clinical assessment underscores the need for greater education and awareness to help individuals better understand their own mental health and to seek appropriate care should mental health crises arise.

The survey also revealed noteworthy gender differences in mental health perception. Men were more likely to rate their mental health as “excellent” (32.1%) compared to women (4.2%). Conversely, women were more likely to describe their mental health as “fair” (16.7%) compared to men (7.3%). There was no significant gender difference in the percentage of respondents rating their mental health as “poor.” These findings suggest gender-based variations in terms of how mental health issues are experienced and reported with, men possibly underreporting symptoms due to cultural expectations around masculinity. Women are also more likely encounter barriers when accessing appropriate care. This highlights the importance of gender-responsive support to mental health crises in the Muslims. There is a need to create safe spaces within masjids and community centers so that individuals can discuss mental health concerns openly and without fear of judgment.

The survey touched on gender identity as well, with relevance to the Muslim Americans. Data showed that men were significantly more likely to dismiss the importance of discussions involving gender identity and the congruent disparity between sexes. The survey’s results regarding this issue then confirm that cultural awareness is paramount when addressing mental health in the Muslim community, especially concerning gender-specific issues. 

In conclusion, the Baltimore area mental health survey for Muslim living in the U.S. highlights significant gaps between self-reported mental health and clinical assessments within the Muslim community, revealing potential issues of social stigma and/or a distinct lack of cultural awareness. Gender differences in perceptions of mental health as well as attitudes toward gender identity further emphasize the need for culturally sensitive, gender-responsive approaches. Addressing these nuances is crucial for improving mental health education and support in these communities. Open dialogue is also critical in breaking down barriers and ensuring equitable access to mental health care within this diverse population. We believe community leaders can be pivotal in providing a mentally and emotionally healthier Muslim society.

Keeping these items in mind, it is of utmost importance that community leaders assess the public’s mental health and bring forth recommendations that support seeking help, thereby reducing the stigma surrounding mental illness. The use of mental health services and therapy should be encouraged, emphasizing that seeking professional help aligns with Islamic principles of self-care. Equipping Imams and community leaders with the knowledge and skills necessary to provide initial support, counseling, and referrals to mental health professionals is also essential. Additionally, sharing culturally sensitive educational materials that address mental health from both Islamic and psychological perspectives can further enhance awareness. In the end, we hope our survey serves as a conversation starter to openly discuss and navigate the mental health needs of the contemporary Muslim community.

Mohammed Younus, MD, a board-certified psychiatrist in Baltimore area, is involved in social activism, mental health research, and runs a free psychiatry clinic at the Islamic Society of Baltimore. 

Saad Ahmad Khan, PhD, University of Maryland Baltimore County (UMBC), works as a data scientist in the Health Data Lab. His research focuses on hospital readmissions, psychiatry readmissions, and the effects of social determinants of health on healthcare.

Attaulla Khan (BS, and MBA University of Illinois at Urbana Champagne), an IT professional, works for a Baltimore-based firm, and is cofounder of the US India Policy Institute, a Washington, D.C. based research think-tank. Raza Hasan and Syed Abid Hussain are officer bearers at Muslim Citizens of Maryland (MCM) and Jannah Bukhari is a graduate student volunteer. 

MCM is a group of Muslim volunteers in Baltimore, dedicated to promoting social welfare and community development. Their focus is on charity, volunteering, research, and public service, aiming to enhance the well-being and unity of the community

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By: Wendy Díaz

Jan/Feb 25

In the September 10, 2024 U.S. presidential debate, both the Democratic and Republican nominees took turns taking shots at one another during primetime. One of the more outrageous claims made during the debate came from Republican nominee and current president, Donald Trump, who alleged that Haitian immigrants in towns like Springfield, Ohio, were eating cats and dogs. This outlandish claim went viral resulting in internet memes, reels, and even catchy musical parodies. But this false assertion was not the first-time that Latin America immigrants became the subject of contentious debate. In his first foray into presidential candidacy, Trump, speaking at Trump Tower in Manhattan on June 16, 2015, claimed, “When Mexico sends its people, they’re not sending their best. . . They’re sending people with a lot of problems. . . They’re bringing drugs, they’re bringing crime, they’re rapists.” Such inflammatory and hateful rhetoric fuels Hispanophobia, an irrational fear, hatred, or bias against people of Hispanic or Latino origins.

Among Muslim Americans, the ummah is diverse; various ethnic groups coexist under the banner of Islam. However, just because Islam emphasizes equality does not mean that prejudice is nonexistent amongst Muslims. In a society where leading politicians fan the flames of bigotry, it is common to see the same type of prejudice manifested in religious spaces. For Latino Muslims, these prejudices can take various forms, from microaggressions to the lack of inclusion of Latinos in leadership or decision-making roles within Islamic institutions. 

Prejudices often come from a lack of understanding or exposure and Muslims from immigrant backgrounds may be less familiar with Latin Americans compared with other American communities. Stereotypes about Latino Muslims often contribute to a limited perception of their role within the community, including assumptions about their level of religiosity, education, and/or their socioeconomic status. Likewise, the broader American Muslim community may experience separation from their Latino neighbors due to competition for communal resources, differences in historical struggles, and/or misunderstandings stemming from linguistic barriers.

The Institute for Social Policy and Understanding’s (ISPU) American Muslim Poll 2019 survey showed that Latino Muslims are the fastest growing group of Muslims, making up 8% of the Muslim American landscape. Yet despite the growing number of Latino Muslims, discrimination and lack of awareness about the Islamic influence on Latin America persists. Many Latino Muslims find themselves having to navigate a space where they are either assumed to be newcomers to the faith or perceived as less authoritative in Islamic matters because of their cultural background. This erasure of Latino Muslim identity reinforces the idea that Islamic knowledge and leadership are reserved for certain ethnic groups, a misconception that runs counter to the universal message of Islam. Additionally, language barriers can exacerbate these feelings of exclusion when resources are unavailable in Spanish, leaving Latino Muslims feeling discouraged and disconnected.

To combat Hispanophobia, Muslims everywhere should be reminder of Islam’s teachings on racial equality. In the Prophet Muhammad’ final sermon (salla Allahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) he declared that no Arab has any superiority over a non-Arab and vice versa demonstrating that racial and ethnic biases are alien to Islam. To continue to resist Hispanophobia, this message must be regularly reinforced, not only during the Friday sermon but through everyday interactions. 

Islam’s Historical Ties to Latin America

The historical presence of Muslims in places like the Iberian Peninsula (where Muslims ruled from 711 to 1492) profoundly influenced art, architecture, language, and culture throughout Latin America.  But connections between Islam and Latin America go beyond the Iberian Peninsula. North and West Africa also played significant roles in shaping Latin American history, particularly through the Transatlantic Slave Trade, which brought enslaved Africans, including many Muslims, to the Americas. This African Muslim influence, deliberately erased by colonial powers, left its mark on cultural and spiritual practices throughout the Americas. Additionally, waves of South Asian and Middle Eastern immigration to Latin America in the late 19th and early 20th centuries introduced additional Islamic influences, as migrants from countries like India, Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine became integral parts of Latin American society. These migrations continue to this day, contributing to the presence of millions of Muslims in Latin America. 

Currently, Latino Muslim organizations are serving their communities in Islamic centers, as Latino imams, and as Muslims activists, contributing positively to the American Muslim community. These contributions must be acknowledged and celebrated as they provide models of leadership, activism, and scholarship that enrich the broader Muslim American discourse while also combating Hispanophobia throughout the country. By educating Muslim Americans on these shared historical and cultural links, we can foster a greater sense of connection between Latino Muslims and the rest of the ummah.

Growing Visibility

Every year, there are Latino Muslim events in New York, Texas, Georgia, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, California, and beyond, reflecting the Latino Muslim community’s vibrant growth across the U.S. These events range from cultural celebrations to conferences and educational seminars, providing spaces for Latino Muslims to connect, learn, and contribute to the ummah. In parallel, new organizations continue to emerge and to serve their communities through social work, dawah, education, and publishing. Organizations such as the Latina Muslim Foundation in San Diego, Ojalá Foundation in Chicago, the Latin American Institute of Muslim Women (ILMM) in Atlanta, and IslaminSpanish in Houston are examples of Latino-led initiatives dedicated to outreach, community development, and educational programs.

Additionally, Islamic educational institutions in the U.S. such as Zaytuna College, Bayan Islamic Graduate School, Qalam Institute, and Mishkah University, have seen an increase in Latino representation among their student bodies. Students attending these institutions are actively engaging with Islamic scholarship gaining the knowledge and skills needed to contribute meaningfully to their communities. Upon completion of their studies, these students, will have mastered  Arabic and become familiar with sacred Islamic texts. They can then  return to their communities to teach and provide guidance grounded in both Islamic tradition and a Latino cultural understanding.

Allies and Friends

Latinos and Muslims often live side by side in cities like New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, Houston, Dallas, and San Diego. Naturally, this proximity leads to interactions and shared experiences through positive curiosity and productive dialogue. As a result, many Latinos in the United States can explore  Islam through their relationships with Muslim neighbors, friends, classmates, and co-workers. In these environments, exposure to Islamic practices and values becomes a catalyst for Latinos to explore the faith more deeply.

It is no surprise, therefore, that cities with the largest Muslim populations also have the highest numbers of Latino Muslim converts. Active community outreach, dawah efforts, and resources like Spanish language Quran translations have helped bridge the gap for those interested in learning about Islam. Organizations like IslaminSpanish in Houston provide vital support for Latino converts, making the transition smoother by offering culturally relevant guidance. This growing connection between Muslims and Latinos, particularly in cities with large Muslim communities, is driving a notable rise in Latino Muslim conversions.

The ISPU report, “Latino Attitudes Toward American Muslims and Islam,” revealed a nuanced view that can serve as a foundation for fostering understanding and collaboration between Latino and Muslim communities. It indicates that Latinos generally exhibit lower levels of Islamophobia compared to other racial and ethnic groups in the United States. Participants in the study frequently identified commonalities between their immigrant experiences and those of American Muslims, to include aspirations for liberty, a desire for financial stability, and a better life for future generations. Moreover, the report highlights the importance of personal interactions in shaping positive attitudes and identifies many Latinos reporting meaningful relationships with Muslim Americans. 

The report goes on to suggest that educational initiatives providing foundational knowledge about Islam can significantly alter perceptions. For example, when participants were exposed to information about the pillars of Islam and the experiences of Muslim women, they were more likely to view Islam as a faith with similarities to their own beliefs. By amplifying Latino voices and experiences in mosque activities and leadership, Islamic communities can cultivate a more inclusive atmosphere that honors diversity and promotes unity. 

Suggested Ways to Build Relationships

Building fruitful relationships with the Latin American community, starts with creating spaces for open dialogue and meaningful interactions. Mosques and Islamic organizations can play a pivotal role in this process by hosting cultural exchanges, offering Spanish language resources, and engaging in outreach specifically tailored to Latino communities. Inviting Latino Muslim speakers and subject-matter experts to Islamic conferences, educational events, and community gatherings also ensures that the voices and contributions of Latino Muslims are amplified and celebrated. Additionally, sponsoring Latino Muslim students and volunteers to pursue Islamic education, locally or abroad, helps empower the next generation of leaders, scholars, and community advocates. These efforts can combat the isolation that Latino Muslims may feel and build solidarity with non-Muslims who may harbor misconceptions about Islam. By focusing on shared values, Muslims can build bridges that dismantle prejudice and highlight the diversity that strengthens the ummah.

Addressing Hispanophobia within the Muslim community requires intentional efforts to reflect on our own biases and to take active steps to uplift Latino Muslims. When we create communities that honor the diversity of the ummah and actively work to erase prejudices, we can not only better represent Islam’s values but also build more inclusive, empowered, and united Muslim communities. The findings from the ISPU research emphasize this potential for collaboration and cooperation. By recognizing shared experiences and fostering open dialogue, we can combat not only Hispanophobia and build a more cohesive and resilient community where all individuals, regardless of their background, can thrive together in mutual respect and understanding.

Wendy Díaz, a Puerto Rican Muslim writer, poet, translator, and children’s book author, is the Spanish content coordinator for ICNA-WhyIslam. She is also the co-founder of Hablamos Islam, a nonprofit organization that produces educational resources about Islam in the Spanish language.

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