By Amani Salahudeen

July/Aug 2024

For three consecutive years recent surveys conducted by Singapore’s Crescent Rating and the United States’ Dinar Standard have chosen Malaysia as the world’s top destination for Muslim travelers. This hardly comes as a surprise, for the country has all the necessary ingredients of an ideal Islamic tourism destination. With an abundance of halal food, prayer facilities and Islamic attractions, Malaysia perfectly caters to the needs of Muslim travelers. The country’s rich Islamic history and heritage also form layers of fascinating experiences just waiting to be discovered.

Ramadan in Malaysia is also a special celebration. In fact, it felt like a daily celebration. The capital, Kuala Lumpur, is a vibrant metropolis where all cultures, religions and tastes collide to create a new, modern Asia that bears no resemblance to any other place I’ve ever been. 

Spending Ramadan in a Muslim-majority country was unlike anything I’ve ever experienced before. Hearing the adhan throughout the day and seeing advertisements featuring Muslimas all around was amazing. As an American, this was unusual for me, but wonderful to witness. Malaysia is also one of the prettiest places to visit. There’s so much Islamic history there, and the country is so picturesque. 

During Ramadan, Malaysia’s Muslims abstain from eating in public and eateries typically do not serve Muslim customers during fasting hours. Non-Muslims wishing to show respect for this tradition can opt to dine during quieter times and avoid public restaurants during the day. 

My family enjoyed visiting Kuala Lumpur’s National Blue Mosque and Pink Mosque, both of which provide ample space for women to pray and perform their pre-prayer ablutions. These facilities are among the best I’ve ever used. Malaysians have a traditional prayer outfit, and many spares are available for those who might like to wear one. 

The mosques are open to everyone. Non-Muslims are given robes to wear upon entering. The taraweeh prayer was a lot shorter than expected, but the sense of community is palpable. The only downside was that many of these mosques were not wheelchair accessible, so my grandmother couldn’t join us. 

Malaysia has a joyful atmosphere during Ramadan. Large retail centers in the capital go all out for Eid al-Fitr (aka Hari Raya Aidilfitri), bursting with sales and community dinners as moreh, a Ramadan supper held after the taraweeh prayer. The radio plays regional songs celebrating Eid, and at night the sky is filled with fireworks.

Foodies Rejoice

Since 64% of Malaysians are Muslim, most of the food is halal. This makes going to the grocery stores less of a hassle than it is here in the U.S. The food is flavorful and isn’t as spicy as I anticipated. 

An absolute haven for foodies, Kuala Lumpur is transformed into a feast of stories and cultures thanks to this melting pot of nationalities. Since rice (nasi) is a staple of most major meals, one of the best dishes I enjoyed was nasi lemak, a delicious combination of coconut milk rice served with sambal (chili sauce or paste), fried crispy anchovies, toasted peanuts and cucumber. You can also add a fried egg on top to enjoy nasi goreng. 

The capital is known for its street food, which I loved. But I also made sure to check out more contemporary restaurants and hangouts in the area because I’m constantly searching for the best place to eat. Getting to sample halal Vietnamese pho (fragrant beef noodle soup with fresh toppings) for the first time was one of the nicest meals.

Among the best sights to see is the Islamic Art Museum Malaysia (IAMM). Located in central Kuala Lumpur’s Lake Gardens neighborhood, it spans 33,000 square feet. Since its opening in 1998, IAMM has housed over 10,000 artifacts. Its Scholar’s Library has an outstanding collection of Islamic art publications. Among the artworks on exhibit are the smallest jewelry items to one of the largest scale replicas of the Masjid al-Haram. The museum emphasizes Asia, rather than focusing on works from the Middle East and Persia. Most notably, China, India and Southeast Asia are well represented.

My favorite part was getting to see how masjids looked in various Asian countries through decades. I also loved seeing that the museum’s library had works by popular Malaysian authors, including Hanna Alkaf, one of my favorites. 

The Istana Negara (King’s Palace) draws tens of thousands of tourists with its Islamic style architecture and golden domes. Under its constitutional monarchy system, each of the country’s nine states has its own monarch. Every five years, or whenever a vacancy occurs, they convene as the Majlis Raja-Raja (Conference of Rulers) to elect among themselves the Yang di-Pertuan Agong (Supreme Head of the Federation). 

The Royal Museum, which is situated on the royal grounds, offers information on the monarchs even though one cannot enter the palace itself. For example, it was fascinating to discover during a tour that many people do not realize that the king usually serves the nation for a term of five years before handing it over to someone else.

Even though the weather is incredibly hot, there is the occasional pleasant evening breeze. It would be preferable to stay somewhere that offers central air conditioning. Getting around with Malaysia’s version of Uber was also a little difficult because of the language, some miscommunication and the blatant lack of customer service — one day we spent over 35 minutes waiting in the heat for a car to pick us up. 

This was a very different trip from any place I’ve ever visited. In Malaysia, Ramadan is a vibrant celebration of faith, culture and community, rather than just a time for religious devotion. Whether you choose to join in the customs or just watch the celebration, spending the holy month in a Muslim country offered a unique cultural experience that made a lasting impression upon me. 

Amani Salahudeen (B.A., professional writing and journalism, The College of New Jersey; M.A., secondary English education, Western Governors University) has been published in Pop Culturalist, Muslim Girl, Her Campus and The Signal.

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By Eshal Khan

July/Aug 2024

I have spent every Ramadan of my life in the U.S. However, this year we were fortunate to have our Indiana University Spring Break coincide with the start of Ramadan. My sister and I really wanted to spend at least part of the holy month in a Muslim country. It took us quite a lot of back and forth with our parents, but we stood our ground. 

Despite hearing the usual “Fasting while traveling is hard.” “It’s going to be tiring.” “You won’t have much time there,” we persevered. Our first Ramadan in Dubai was a memorable experience. 

The cultural environment in that single week offered a small glimpse of what my family and I were missing out on. Fasting with the majority population, staying up, eating sehri, going to the mosque and every other tradition I had with my small group back home was a largely shared experience of what felt like everyone in the country. We’d all stay up together and go on walks late at night, and would see many others doing the same thing. 

My favorite iftar food we had there would have had to be shawarma and my favorite sehri food would have had to be the dates they had there. My mom was so grateful to enjoy iftar with her brother after 24 years. 

Some restaurants would be open nearly all night, and everyone would be there eating and laughing together. At maghrib time every store would close, thus allowing a gap for dinner and prayer. The adhan would play at every prayer nationwide. Dates and water were always being offered in case people didn’t have one to break their fast. All these things fostered a sense of collectivity and a real feeling of belonging in a large group, something I did not feel in the U.S. 

I felt like Dubai bent over backward to make accommodations for Ramadan, but it was done so seamlessly that it felt like no effort was involved. Scheduling life around fasting and prayer times showed the deeply rooted importance of tradition and faith. Reflecting on my experience, I feel like I have a newfound appreciation for my religion. 

Ramadan in the U.S. has always been an exhilarating experience and creates an atmosphere of excitement with sometimes being able to skip classes and other shared traditions that helped build a community and sense of belonging among the small Muslim population of Plainfield, Ind. 

Yet the fact that the community itself is so small can lead to a feeling of displacement at times when the personal significance of Ramadan is not widely recognized in the town itself. Islam is a minority religion in this country, so celebrating it sometimes can be lonely or make you feel out of place when talking with school friends. Eid is never a day off (unless it falls on a weekend), yet this was the only kind of Ramadan and Eid we’d ever known.

Both experiences were vastly different and offered a contrast in cultural immersion and communal participation. Seeing people band together in Dubai and celebrate with such love for the holy month made me determined to extend those characteristics into Ramadan here in the U.S.  I think ways that I would continue bringing some attributes to America would be by hosting more iftars and sehris with my friends and family. I would also try to make Ramadan feel less like a chore and more like something that I can shape my life around. Indulging in religion and prayer feels very easy during Ramadan, so taking advantage of that boost has become very important to me.

Eshal Khan is a Junior at Indiana University. She is studying neuroscience and likes to run in her free time.

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By Sher M. Farouki

May/Jun 2024

The advent of the military taking up the role, not only as a mere player but also as a driving force in Pakistan’s political arena, evolved as a convoluted and twisted system of its own. The vacuum created by the early demise of the genuine leadership that had created the country quickly gave way to military and mafia clans masquerading as leaders, clans who very quickly understood where their personal interests lay. 

Soon enough, a vicious game of power and wealth began; power as a way to wealth and wealth as a way to more power, while the masses were left in the squalor of misery and downright deprivation. Owing to the cacophony emanating from the print, electronic and social media, it seems easy today to point fingers in one direction. 

Is the Military Solely Responsible?

There is no denying the fact that from Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to Imran Khan, the making and breaking of all political setups bears the same fingerprints. Perhaps Pakistanis need to pause and do a little soul searching as to whether they can hold the military responsible for all the evil, for there can be no panacea or remedy if they don’t identify where they first slipped. 

The genesis of this lies hidden in the promotions of two personalities in two institutions when seniority and merit were cast aside. What followed later was an intertwining relationship of the institutions that persists until now. A relatively junior man named General Muhammad Ayub Khan, whose name wasn’t in the original nomination list and who had too many strings attached, was cherry picked in 1951 to replace Sir Douglas Gracy, the first commander in chief. As a result, the then-civilian setup headed by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan suspended four seniors. 

The second incident occurred in 1954 at the time of Justice Abdul Rasheed’s retirement as chief justice of the Federal Court, the then-highest court. He was to be succeeded by Abu Saleh Muhammad Akram (d. 1968), an East Pakistani (Bangla-speaking) and the senior-most judge. But the West Pakistani establishment was prejudiced against him due to his ethnicity. The then-Governor General Sir Malik Ghulam Mohammad, a co-founder of the now Mahindra & Mahindra (one of India’s largest vehicle manufacturers), initially a civil servant, served as Pakistan’s first finance minister. His appointment of Mohammed Munir as chief justice vaulted him over the other four sitting judges. The die had been cast. 

Upon independence, the Government of India Act 1935 was the basic law of both India and Pakistan. Their respective Constituent Assemblies were also the legislatures. The Indian parliament produced a constitution by November 1949, but not its Pakistani counterpart. In September 1954 Pakistan was close to adopting a new constitution with the draft ready to be announced on Dec. 25, 1954. 

However, Ghulam Mohammad dismissed Parliament on Oct. 24, 1954, claiming that it had lost the peoples’ confidence and that the constitutional machinery had broken down. This was his second dismissal after Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin, also an East Pakistani, within 18 months. The real reason, though, was that the draft proposed curtailing the governor generals’ powers – Pakistan’s heads of state were governor generals — including the powers to dismiss governments and having elected prime ministers, to obviate the recurrence of the Nazimuddin case. 

Assembly Speaker Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan challenged the act in the Sindh High Court that, after a detailed hearing, ruled against Ghulam Mohammad and declared his act illegal and unconstitutional. The federal government challenged the decision in the Federal Court, headed by Munir, who not only accepted but also validated the governor general’s act under the pretext of the “doctrine of necessity.” This doctrine was used thereafter as a ready reckoner, paving the way for destroying democracy. Thus, the favor incurred by Ghulam Muhammad was returned, most honestly in equal coinage. 

In 1958, when Ayub Khan enforced martial law in a staggering coup d’état that removed President Iskander Ali Mirza and abrogated the 1956 constitution, there was neither a cogent reason for doing so nor any civil disturbance to be seen. Once again, the act was challenged in the Supreme Court (successor of the Federal Court). But the result was no different. Munir placed the stamp of legality on the first military regime. It is, however, interesting to read the concluding remarks in the verdict, “that the revolution, having been successful, satisfies the test of efficacy and becomes a basic law — creating fact.”

 It’s hard to see how, in a case that was heard within six days of the promulgation of martial law, Munir could contend that the new regime satisfied the test of efficacy. From that day onward, neither could the military remain apolitical, nor could the judiciary be termed independent. The combination of the two, duly assisted, abetted and supported by the civilian bureaucracy, brought the matters to the present ebb. The symbiotic relationship that evolved thereafter suited the stakeholders while alienating the masses. Over time, this subtle alliance got a “cover blanket” and much needed anonymity by the term “the Establishment,” which ensured impunity and freedom of action. 

The political parties, pundits and analysts also felt comfortable using this reference without having to step into the danger zone. With the dismissal of the last Nawaz Sharif government, followed by that of Imran’s, the term transformed into khalai makhlooq (aliens of Earth) and then simply the fauj (military).

In the wake of the Feb. 8 rigged elections, a significant shift occurred in this troubled nation, a shift whose magnitude the global community has yet to fully understand. Similar events unfolded in the stolen elections of 1971 when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman secured a decisive victory, only to be opposed vehemently by the military establishment, led by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who refused to accept a Bengali prime minister. Of the 300 constituencies, Mujib won an absolute majority of 160 seats, all of which were in East Pakistan; Bhutto won only 81 seats, all in West Pakistan.

They feigned negotiations but ultimately deployed General Tikka Khan, infamously known as the Butcher of Bangladesh — chief of the army’s Eastern Command and Governor of East Pakistan — to suppress dissent in what is now Bangladesh, following the populace’s defiance of the military’s desires. The military’s aim was a hung Parliament, which would allow them to manipulate affairs from the shadows. However, their tactics led to disastrous consequences — Pakistan was cleaved in two.

Is This Pattern Finally Changing?

Today, some feel a sense of déjà vu reminiscent of those who witnessed Pakistan’s dismemberment during the 1971 war. The country’s army has established a pattern over the years. Initially, they ruled directly for 30 years, then transitioned to operating behind the scenes for the next 45 years and orchestrating events from Rawalpindi — the military’s headquarters. This familiar playbook involves selecting a protégé, like Bhutto (the pioneer) under Ayub Khan’s tutelage. However, in 1971 the army’s failure to install the protégé led to a loss of prestige. Capitalizing on this sentiment, Bhutto became prime minister and attempted to diminish the army’s power by selecting General Zia ul Haq as army chief, who was as docile as a butler to him. 

Bhutto’s Islamic Summit Conference (1974) — an effort to create a platform of Muslim majority countries — greatly antagonized the United States, as did his pursuit of nuclear weapons and alignment with China. Zia eventually staged a coup, imprisoned and executed Bhutto, marking the end of democratic governance for a considerable period of time. This established a pattern that persists to this day.

The subsequent political leadership saw Nawaz Sharif emerge, groomed by a set of generals under Zia’s umbrella. Over the next three decades, power oscillated between Nawaz Sharif of the Muslim League (N) and Benazir Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party. Yet neither party managed to complete its full term in office. During his 1997-99 stint, Sharif grew some teeth and dared to challenge his mentor’s authority — the army — a grave offense for any politician. This led to his downfall, for Gen. Pervez Musharraf staged a coup, after which he imprisoned and subsequently exiled Sharif. Sharif’s political career seemed finished, until he returned in 2013 with the support of the same establishment that he had once opposed. 

In 2018, Imran Khan assumed power, albeit with accusations of being a “selected” rather than elected prime minister due to the military’s alleged interference. Over time, Khan’s attempt to assert his independence from the army caused Chief of Army Staff General Qamar Javed Bajwa to retaliate and eventually remove him from power. 

This upheaval marked a departure from the past, for it incited widespread civilian unrest akin to an Arab Spring, with nationwide protests and attacks on government institutions. Despite this, the army, aided by the ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence agency), swiftly restored order and maintained its influence. However, the army’s reputation among the youth suffered a significant blow, coupled with growing political instability and economic turmoil, reminiscent of over-militarized states like Nazi Germany and the USSR, leading to a perilous economic situation for Pakistan. 

Political engineering has not stopped with manipulating the election results. It continues in the shape of “recounting,” voiding of PTI’s reserved seats and adding false cases on its members and leaders. Questioned by Rep. August Pflugar (R-Tx.) at the Subcommittee on the Middle East, North Africa, and Central Asia hearing entitled, “Pakistan After the Elections: Examining the Future of Democracy in Pakistan and the US-Pakistan Relationship” (on March 20) that “Do you believe that the recent election was free and fair?” 

Assistant Secretary of State Donald Lu, could only blurt out: “We have never used the term ‘free and fair’ in the characterization of this election.”

The interference from the barracks is pervasive. Six Islamabad High Court judges wrote to the Supreme Judicial Council convene a judicial convention over the matter of alleged interference of members of the executive, including operatives of intelligence agencies, in judicial affairs. The coercion to extract favorable decision has included physical intimidation and harassment of their family members. A PTI spokesperson said, “… no section of the society, including civil society members, journalists, government officials, judges and journalists, is safe from this interference” (Dawn, 

“Six IHC judges write to SJC over spy agencies’ ‘interference’”, Awais Yousafzai & Maryam Nawaz, Dawn, Karachi, March 27).

The nation now stands at a crossroads, requiring strong political leadership to navigate its way out of the economic crisis and debt trap orchestrated by years of military dominance. Whether the current political leadership can rise to the challenge remains to be seen.

Sher M. Farouki is a freelance writer.

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By Jehan Hakim

May/Jun 2024

Muslims should experience life and endure hardships together as a unified people, rather than being complacent in the face of injustice. The Prophet (salla Allah ‘alayhi wa sallam) emphasized unity, comparing the believers to a single body in which suffering is shared collectively. Al-Nu’man ibn Bashir reported the the Prophet said, “The parable of the believers in their affection, mercy, and compassion for each other is that of a body. When any limb aches, the whole body reacts with sleeplessness and fever.” (Sahih al-Bukhari 6011, Sahih Muslim 2586)

Amidst this collective pain, affluent nations remain conspicuously silent, with some actively contributing to the ongoing violence. Conversely, only a handful of nations have exhibited the courage to align themselves with Palestine. 

South Africa Acts

Having grappled with apartheid and foreign occupation, on Dec. 29, 2023, South Africa took the unprecedented step of filing a case against Israel in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in an attempt to hold it legally accountable for its policies and actions in occupied Gaza. By accusing Israel of genocide and drawing poignant parallels with its own history, South Africa is underscoring its commitment to justice, human rights and adherence to international law.

Born in response to the atrocities of World War II, UN resolution 96 (I) seeks to define and prevent genocide. On Dec. 11, 1946, it declared genocide “a crime under international law, contrary to the spirit and aims of the United Nations and condemned by the civilized world,” in times of both war and peace. But despite its adoption in 1951, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (the Genocide convention), has only officially recognized and prosecuted only three instances of genocide (Rwanda in 1994, Bosnia [and the 1995 Srebrenica massacre], and Cambodia under the 1975-79 Pol Pot regime).

Israel vehemently denies committing genocide in Gaza; however, the ICJ recently ruled that it has the jurisdiction to hear South Africa’s case against Israel for alleged breaches of the convention. This case is ongoing and will likely not halt Israel’s current genocide of Palestinians.

While various countries and institutions have taken measures to oppose Israel’s actions, such as severing diplomatic ties and implementing divestment strategies targeting pro-Israeli entities like McDonald’s, Sabra, and Chevron, the international response has notably lacked military intervention — aside from Yemen. 

Yemen Acts

Since 2015, Yemen has been subjected to its own harrowing genocide, marked by relentless bombings and starvation inflicted by Saudi Arabia and the UAE, with the support and backing of Western nations. This prolonged conflict has plunged the country into the depths of the world’s worst man-made humanitarian crisis (Fatma Tanis, www.npr.org, June 17, 2023), spanning over seven years and wreaking havoc upon the lives of millions. Despite the gravity of the situation, the international community’s response has largely fallen short in terms of providing meaningful assistance and intervention to alleviate the Yemenis’ suffering.

In November 2023, Ansar Allah took control of an Israeli-owned ship, showcasing a resolute opposition to the latter’s genocidal actions. Subsequently, Yemen has persistently prevented vessels from entering its waters, resorting to missile launches when necessary, and strategically leveraging the Bab al-Mandab Strait. 

This significant maritime passage, sought after by Saudi Arabia, the U.S. and Israel, manages the transit of more than 5 million barrels of oil each day and acts as the gateway to the Red Sea. Yemen’s unwavering protection of this crucial trade route underscores the essence of genuine alliance and solidarity.

During my childhood trips to Yemen, I vividly recall a pervasive sense of solidarity and connection to Palestine. It has been ingrained in me that our freedom is intricately linked to the liberation of Palestine; we are not free until they too are free. This shared sentiment resonates deeply within Arab and Muslim-led nations.

Sadly, we find ourselves in an era dominated by fear, silence and imperial bullying.

Yemen’s actions demonstrate a unique commitment to solidarity with the Palestinians, dating back to 1947, when it opposed Palestine’s partition upon joining the U.N. The Yemenis’ enduring concern for the Palestinians stems from Israel’s establishment as a settler colony in a land rooted in centuries of Arab identity and intertwined with Arab and Islamic history. Yemenis, across diverse backgrounds and affiliations, passionately advocate for a Palestine free from Israel’s systemic annexation, apartheid and erasure. 

The global scenario unfolds as a televised genocide, reminiscent of the second Nakba, which prompted Yemen’s actions.

The U.S. has criticized the actions of Ansar Allah and has taken actions to punish Yemen. Toward the close of 2023, the UN’s World Food Program halted aid to Northern Yemen, home to over 80% of Yemen’s population. Adding to the challenges, on the day that South Africa brought Israel to the ICJ, the State Department labeled Ansar Allah a “global terrorist group.”

Humanitarian agencies express concern that this designation could have a “chilling effect” on commercial entities, including shippers and banks, vital for their provision of essential sustenance. Instead of deescalating, ending arm sales to Israel and calling for a permanent ceasefire, the U.S. is using food as a weapon against the people of Yemen. 

Washington and London React

As if starvation weren’t enough, the U.S. and the U.K. initiated bombing campaigns on Yemen. Biden and Sunak are escalating a conflict in a country already struggling with a man-made famine resulting from a severe blockade, and which is only beginning to recover from a brutal war that led to the loss of nearly half a million lives.

Despite recognizing this campaign’s ineffectiveness, Biden insists on its continuation. He has openly declared a robust pro-Zionist position, affirming “I am a Zionist” (www.timesofisrael.com/) and asserting that, “were there not an Israel, the United States of America would have to invent an Israel to protect her interests in the region” (https://theconversation.com). His long- standing affiliation with Israel has significantly influenced his approach to war policy. Since 2001, Washington’s prevailing strategy for handling Middle Eastern affairs seems to be centered around “counterterrorism” and militarizing its foreign policies. 

Following the U.S. and U.K. airstrikes on their country, the Yemeni people took to the streets, defiantly declaring, “We don’t care, we don’t care, even if it’s a world war.” 

Yemenis in the diaspora have voiced apprehensions regarding the actions of Ansar Allah, expressing discontent over the group’s global media presence, which they believe grants them undue legitimacy.

While Yemenis from various classes, sects and genders are united in their pro-Palestine stance, it’s crucial to note that support for Palestine extends beyond Ansar Allah and resonates across the broader Yemeni population.

If we believe God’s words to be true, then fighting back in times of aggression is in line with what Allah has said, “Permission [to fight] has been given to those who are being fought, because they were wronged. And indeed, God is competent to give them victory” (23:39). 

The Palestinians have been persecuted, evicted from their homes without right and their churches and mosques have been demolished. It’s time to defend the persecuted, and Yemenis should be commended for standing their ground and doing right by Palestine. Other countries should step up and follow Yemen’s lead. 

“Our Lord, forgive us our sins and anything We may have done that transgressed our duty: Establish our feet firmly, and help us against those that reject Faith” (3:147).

Jehan Hakim, a Yemeni American mother of four, community organizer and culturally responsive educator resides in Houston. For more information, contact https://jehanhakim.com/.

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By Amal Omer

May/Jun 2024

“Something has to change,” recalls Isra Hashmi telling her husband as she lay in an emergency room hospital bed. 

Hashmi, who had gone to the doctor that morning with heart palpitations and shortness of breath, was sent to the emergency room after an electrocardiogram showed she was having an arrhythmia. 

At the time, Hashmi was the director of a medical clinic at Boston’s Massachusetts General Hospital. The exhaustion and burnout from being a working mother of three in a demanding role had caught up with her. 

“It was this proverbial hamster wheel. We were running so fast,” says Hashmi. “We had very little children at the time. My eldest was 11, and we had two little ones.” 

On a typical day, she woke up by 5 a.m. to be on the train by 6 a.m. to meet her first patient by 7 a.m. Her husband, Fahd would get the children to school before his commute into the city. Hashmi would finish work at 3 p.m. and get back on the train to pick up the children from school, with her husband returning later in the evening.

“[That] lifestyle is not conducive to a family and to nurturing young children…that’s how it started, that was the breaking point,” says Hashmi. 

Initially, Hashmi made a change by stepping back from the director role but continued to work at the clinic. Although she says that helped, her hours were the same. 

“My husband was gone all day. I was gone all day. I didn’t feel like I was being present with the kids,” says Hashmi. “The weekends were all just grocery shopping, cleaning, chores. It was not just a lazy Sunday. There was a lot to do before we started [another week].” 

One night after putting the children to bed, Hashmi and Fahd — the couple would typically get an hour together before she went to bed — were watching her favorite Home and Garden Television (HGTV) show, “House Hunters International.” The show chronicles people looking for homes abroad.

Hashmi describes the program as a “dreamy show” that evokes thoughts of picking up and leaving to live somewhere beautiful or go live on a quiet farm with chickens. As Hashmi’s husband sat next to her, still working on his laptop, she suddenly said, “‘Let’s move to Spain.’ For some reason that country popped into my head.” 

Let’s Do It

Hashmi says Fahd didn’t even look up or flinch. He just replied, “Let’s do it.”

She was stumped by his nonreaction, wondering if he’d really heard her. 

But he was just as serious as her. Hashmi says the seed had been planted six months ago when she landed in the hospital. 

“Allah inspires all thoughts,” she remarks, explaining how she didn’t question the idea for a second. The motivation to move also came from Fahd, who felt he had missed their son’s childhood as he saw his high school years approaching. 

She advises those wanting to make a change, “Don’t tell anyone, because they will project their fears on you.” For Hashmi, all that mattered was that her husband was open to exploring the idea because “it’s me and him together.” 

While researching and planning, she realized she could take a year sabbatical and Fahd, who is an engineer, could work remotely. The decision was between Turkey and Spain. Turkey was an obvious choice for Islamic reasons, but they felt the language would be a barrier. With their son already learning Spanish and it being a second language in the U.S., they felt Spain would benefit their children.

Hashmi says Spain’s rich Islamic history is overlooked. She wanted a different experience with the kids, one that they wouldn’t typically associate with Islam.

“I guess my health was an inspiration for going, but the kids were most definitely the reason we picked what we did,” says Hashmi. “I [felt] I could go anywhere. I just [needed] a break. But for them, it was important that I give more than just going to the Caribbean. I wanted it to be a very enriching experience.”

Two months before leaving, Fahd and Hashmi broke the news to their children. Thankfully, they were excited. Hashmi says the children have traveled for long periods since they were babies, including spending months in Egypt visiting family. She feels their experience with travel contributed to their positiveness about moving. 

From Boston, the family worked with a broker to find a home in Granada, Spain. The agent featured them on her website to show how she can help families looking for homes abroad, which led them to being discovered by HGTV.

The Faith Connection

The family was then featured in a “House Hunters International” episode that documented their search for a new home in Granada. The couple informed the producers that their story should show that their faith was the driver in their decision to move. It was important to Hashmi that her story be relatable to Muslims. The couple was intentional in consistently bringing up Islam during the filming. 

While filming in Alhambra, the crew asked her son to read Arabic calligraphy on camera. That scene put Hashmi’s heart at ease, showing her that the crew understood what was important to her and Fahd in sharing their story. 

By August 2019, the family had landed in Granada, which has a vibrant Muslim community. There was even a masjid within walking distance of their home. The parents purposely enrolled their children in a public school so they would be among locals and learn the language. They didn’t want their children to be in American or British schools because, as Hashmi explains, they weren’t moving there to be with expats. 

She says living in Granada took the weight off their shoulders — their living expenses were cut by 300% compared to living in Andover. This relief increased the family’s quality of life and created a feeling of calm because Hashmi didn’t feel overwhelmed by the pressures of American life and maintaining a household. 

Things also eased up for Fahd, as the flip in time zones allowed him to be free during the day and work in the evening when the U.S. workday started. 

In Granada, Hashmi says the community is taken seriously. For instance, if a child at school has a birthday party, the entire class is invited.

She remarks that unlike over-the-top children’s parties often glamorized on social media, birthday parties in Granada are always held at a park with the parents staying to socialize. There, she observed, birthday parties aren’t about putting the child on display, but a chance for the community to get together.

“I realized quickly my key to meeting people there and becoming friends was attending all the birthday parties the kids were invited to,” she says. 

In connecting with the Muslim community there, Hashmi says there is an Indigenous Spaniard community outside the city that come to Granada on jummah or travel into the city for work. She also came to find out her favorite coffee shop she frequented was owned by Spanish Muslims. 

Escaping the Consumerism Trap

The move also inspired Hashmi to write a book, “What Matters Most: Simple Living Guide for Muslim Women” (soon to be released). The book, which she wrote at her kitchen table in Granada, is meant to help Muslimas avoid the mass consumerism that she says has become prevalent in our cultures. She also started a Facebook group, “Simple Decluttered Living,” to create a community around this. The group had 100 members within 24 hours and has now grown to 5,000 people. 

For those who desire to avoid the consumer trap and make a big move, Hashmi’s advice is to not tell anyone. She didn’t even tell her own mother until a month before moving. Hashmi admits it wasn’t easy to keep this from friends and family, but she didn’t want their fears projected on her. She was adamant in not looking for anyone’s permission about her family’s decision to move.

Hashmi says often people in the Muslim community don’t see themselves as a nuclear family. 

“For us, we truly believe that you believe that you are not just marrying the person, you are marrying the family.” she says.

Hashmi says this can hold people back from taking the leap. She believes it is still possible to care for one’s family from afar and return to be by their side.

The family decided to return stateside after two years with her son starting high school and her mother getting older. They now reside in Southern California, where Hashmi grew up, with her mother living with the family. 

Amal Omer is a freelance writer based in the Washington, D.C. area.

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