By Cynthia Griffith

Mar/Apr 25

Islam is the fastest-growing religion in the world, but in the United States, not all Muslims are accounted for. The U.S. Census Bureau’s religious data does not include one of the largest populations of Muslim Americans: incarcerated converts. This is indicative of a larger effort to make it appear as if the growth of Islam is due to high birth rates and immigration alone, which is a fallacy. Additionally, this accounting practice illustrates a dismissive and dehumanizing attitude toward  incarcerated people who may embrace Islam. The implication  is that incarcerated converts are somehow less representative of the general population outside of  jail. This unjust message can then be used to perpetuate additional harmful stereotypes against Muslim Americans whether converts, prisoners, or other individuals within the Muslim community.

Islamic Horizons reached out to the U.S. Census Bureau to discuss this matter, and a representative confirmed the Bureau does not collect data on religious affiliations. They directed Horizons to the Bureau of Prisons (BOP). Horizons found that while the BOP collects data for categories such as age, race, ethnicity, and citizenship status, it does not account for the religious identity of inmates. 

This practice of not counting converts to Islam as Muslims dates to the early 20th century, and has prevented federal courts from interfering with inmate rights cases for many decades.

Some states are accommodating to the incarcerated Muslims’ religious needs, while others are not. For example, only 17 states allow inmates the right to religious head coverings, and some states make it difficult or impossible for Muslims to access alternative meals.

According to the Pew Research Center, “The U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics routinely reports on several characteristics of the U.S. prison population, such as age, gender, and racial/ethnic composition, but it does not usually report on the religious affiliation of inmates, and independent surveys of inmates rarely are permitted.”

Uttering the Shahada in Jail

Philadelphia native Faheem took his shahada in 1979 after he was sentenced to 10 years in the notorious Graterford Prison, about 31 miles northwest of Philadelphia. His story is emblematic of the decades-long pattern of embracing the Islamic faith in U.S. correctional institutions. Faheem described his time served as an awe-inspiring experience and proclaimed that even as far back as 45 years ago, the Muslim prison population was so abundant that they “pretty much ran the whole jail.”

“When entering prison, I was immediately greeted by the Muslims,” Faheem fondly recalled. “They had a huge community and were respected by everyone from all other religions. . . not to mention they had a massive impact on the guards.”

Faheem said it was the character of his Muslim brothers that drew him to Islam. “They were the intellectuals, the scholarly, community men, and they had developed a reputation for their cleanliness, unity, and leadership roles throughout the jail,” he said. “They pretty much ran everything – the cafeteria, the library, and the mechanical and academic departments. They did so in a just and orderly fashion, to the point where even non-Muslims referred to them for advice. The local guards were so impressed and influenced that many of them took their shahadas too, and you could see the dawah spreading far beyond the towering concrete walls.”

This Population Could Potentially Represent Millions of Uncounted Muslims

Excluding Muslim prisoners from the U.S. census when counting Muslim Americans is part of a broader effort to make Islam appear as if it is spread by immigration only and as if conversion plays little to no role in the astronomical growth of Islam. Census numbers in the contemporary United States tell a vastly different story.  

The United States has the highest rate of incarceration per capita in the world (World Prison Brief, October 2021). According to the Prison Policy Initiative , there are approximately 7 million prison admissions annually. While some people cycle in and out of the U.S. prison industrial complex more than once per year, many others are new to the system. These offenders are frequently jailed for nonviolent crimes. The Prison Policy Initiative also found that many who get arrested are innocent but find themselves imprisoned for days, months, and even years, simply because they are too poor to make bail.

Policies and legislation play a pivotal role in the criminal justice system. There are laws in place that target specific demographics of people and push them into the prison system for minor infractions. For example, it is illegal for a homeless person to sleep, stand, walk, or otherwise engage in life-sustaining activities in public. Doing so can result in a fine or even in an arrest. Recently, a homeless woman was issued a citation while giving birth on a sidewalk.

Faheem recalled a time in the not-so-distant past when unjust policies were used to target people like him – African American males in their late teens. Faheem was convicted on the count of possessing an illegal weapon at just 19 years old. Despite the fact that he never used the alleged weapon to incite violence, he was still given a lengthy sentence that would last well into adulthood. 

“Really, I got off easy doing ten years,” he said. “I can’t even count how many 18 and 19-year-olds who looked like me were given life sentences for petty crimes, and how many of them were innocent.”

Many Americans are aware of the vast injustices taking place in the prison industrial complex, but without hard data, we cannot even begin to imagine how many Muslims, converts, and born Muslims alike, have filtered through the system. If seven million arrests are made each year, how many millions of Muslims have, for decades, been uncounted and left out of the data? Untold stories of Muslim resilience move like modern folklore over city streets, anonymous sources of inspiration. How impactful would these tales be if they were told to the masses?

 The Need for Resources for Incarcerated Muslim Americans 

A former volunteer prison chaplain who wishes to remain anonymous and who used to visit an upstate New York maximum security prison once mused that the imprisoned convert’s journey is “akin to Hijrah, moving to a world of enlightenment.” He said, “We need more resources for people who take the shahada in jail to access upon release.” He also believes that care is needed for the families of the converts, a service which would make them closer to the family of Islam. 

Through the onslaught of mass incarceration, Muslim men and women behind bars are too often counted out – out of the data, out of employment opportunities, out of their families, and out of society altogether. Their stories are relegated to oral traditions spoken in small inner-city circles, and occasional mainstream media coverage. According to Oxford Research Encyclopedias, most mainstream media coverage of North American Muslims casts them in a negative light through techniques like othering and Orientalism. But their numbers are not few, and if they were accounted for, the ever-growing and sizable sum of Muslims in America would be made much clearer to the news consuming public at large. 

Islam is the fastest-growing religion in the world and it grows in some of the most formidable places on Earth. No 6 by 8 foot concrete cage can contain it. No barred metal door can hold it back. No amount of darkness can cover the light it shines on open hearts and yearning souls.

“I never committed another crime after becoming a Muslim in prison,” Faheem concludes.

May God continue to bless him and the countless other converts who share a similar story. 

Cynthia C. Griffith, a social justice journalist focusing on environmental and civil rights issues. She’s a regular contributor at Invisible People where she muses regarding the earth, space, faith, science, politics, and literature have appeared on several popular websites.

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By Faisal Kutty

Mar/Apr 25

The ongoing crackdown on pro-Palestinian campus activism across the United States exposes a troubling double standard in how universities handle free speech. While rhetoric critical of Israeli policies is swiftly condemned and restricted, activism against other regimes, even those with poor human rights records, do not face the same scrutiny. This selective outrage stifles debate, marginalizes dissenting voices, and undermines the principles of academic freedom that universities claim to uphold.

This approach, evident most recently in Berkeley Law School Dean Erwin Chemerinsky’s opinion piece in The New York Times calling on campuses to clamp down on pro-Palestinian protests, raises troubling questions about selective condemnation and the broader implications for free speech on college campuses. By selectively condemning Palestinian resistance to Israeli occupation while offering only a muted critique of Israel’s ongoing actions, U.S. universities are, in fact, legitimizing a narrative that selectively applies principles of free speech at various campus events. 

While campus supporters of Israel are right to decry rhetoric celebrating Hamas’s actions, they often only offer a tepid acknowledgement of Israel’s ongoing destruction in Gaza. This narrow focus on protecting the sensitivities of Zionist or even Jewish students while minimizing or ignoring Palestinian suffering reveals a deeper flaw in their argument: a conflation of Jewish identity with Zionism and the resulting repression of legitimate expressions of support for the Palestinian struggle.

One of the most significant issues with this line of thinking is the failure to distinguish between anti-Israel protests and antisemitism. The assumption that opposition to Israeli policies creates a hostile environment for Jewish students promotes the false claim that all Jews support Israeli actions, or the equally flawed doctrine that Israel acts on behalf of global Jewry. This narrative erases the voices of the many Jews who stand against Israel’s occupation and decades-long apartheid regime. Contrary to these faulty assumptions, evidence shows that a  growing number of Jewish students and faculty advocate for Palestinian rights, often from a non-Zionist or anti-Zionist perspective. The failure to recognize this distinction reinforces a dangerous narrative that equates criticism of Israel with hostility toward Jewish identity, a deliberately false premise that weaponizes the horrors of  antisemitism to stifle legitimate, on campus debate.

On October 21, 2024, at the University of Minnesota, for instance, eleven pro-Palestinian protesters were arrested for occupying an administrative building while calling for divestment from Israel. This group were but a few of a much larger punitive push across the country. In just six months, more than 3,000 people have been arrested nationwide for engaging in pro-Palestine advocacy on college campuses. Institutions that once prided themselves on championing free speech have now become hostile environments for those opposing Israeli violence against civilian populations. The U.S. Department of Education (DOE) has further intensified this repression by pressuring universities to take aggressive steps to curb antisemitism. In at least one instance, the DOE  went so far as to claim that anti-genocide protests may have created a “hostile environment,” conflating legitimate criticism of Israeli policies with hate speech. This shift undermines the open debate that universities are supposed to foster, chilling free expression and disproportionately silencing pro-Palestinian voices. 

Meanwhile, the experiences of Palestinian students and their allies are ignored. For example, in the Fall 2024 semester, a leaked recording of Santa J. Ono, the University of Michigan president, revealed a disturbing bias within universities, with powerful groups pressuring administrators to combat antisemitism while disregarding Islamophobia and anti-Palestinian hate. This unbalanced approach results in Arab, Muslim, and other non-Zionist or anti-Zionist students feeling unsafe or unwelcome while universities prioritize Zionist perspectives and silence Palestinian, Arab, and other Muslim and voices.

Across American campuses, new restrictions have been implemented to stifle these protests. Indiana University enacted an “expressive activity policy” that bans protests after 11 p.m., prohibits camping, and requires pre-approval for signs. These measures specifically target pro-Palestinian voices, prompting the question: should similar restrictions apply to protests against Saudi Arabia or Iran because they could be considered anti-Arab hate or Islamophobia? 

There is, of course, an argument that suggests that celebrating violence against civilians is both an ethical and political mistake. Such rhetoric distracts from the legitimate cause of Palestinian liberation and gives opponents a pretext to discredit the entire movement. However, those campaigning to shut down Palestinian activism go beyond condemning extremist rhetoric. Rather, these efforts form only a part of a broader effort to undermine all forms of Palestinian resistance, even those grounded in international law. By focusing solely on those who justify violence, these critics fail to address the root causes of the conflict: the Israeli occupation of historic and contemporary Palestine, systematic state-sanctioned and settler violence against Palestinian civilians, and enumerable methods of inhuman oppression that drive Palestinian  resistance. Their selective outrage paints a one-sided narrative, leaving little room for a nuanced discussion on the ethics and legality of Palestinian resistance.

Ultimately, one-sided condemnations are a danger to free speech on campus. They selectively condemn expressions of solidarity with Palestine while protecting inherently violent Zionist narratives, silencing both Palestinian voices and anti-Zionist Jewish voices. If universities genuinely value free speech, they must condemn all forms of violence – whether it is the celebration of attacks on Israel or the defense of Israel’s war crimes in Gaza. Anything less is an endorsement of selective repression, a betrayal of free speech principles, and a denial of the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people.

Faisal Kutty is a lawyer, writer, public speaker, and human rights advocate. He currently teaches at Southwestern Law School and is an affiliate faculty member at the Center for Security, Race, and Rights at Rutgers University. He also holds the title of associate professor of Law Emeritus at Valparaiso University. Follow him on X @faisalkutty.

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By Mohammad Abdullah

Mar/Apr 25

Packaged food nutrition labels are important for Muslim consumers because these convey information about the product’s identity while the Ingredient Statement allows them to determine the product’s status as either halal, haram, or doubtful. Nutrition labels also provide advice on how to handle, store, prepare, and/or consume food products safely where needed, especially meat and poultry products. In case of food recalls, labels with batch numbers can also help identify the source of a contaminated product quickly, thus mitigating the threat to the consumer.

The problem, however, is that some labels can be vague and even misleading. The United States has no nutrient warning policy unlike countries like Chile, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay that have had them since 2016. These policies focus on products with excessive levels of unhealthy nutrients, and require these products to display front of package (FOP) warning labels such as: “WARNING: High in added sugar or high in sodium” to inform consumers of the high content of potentially unhealthy nutrients.

In contrast, beside not having the nutrient warning policy, American manufacturers use colorful images, product names, and claims that make the food seem healthy on FOP labels such as being lower in calories or added sugar or being “naturally” flavored. But these vague descriptions may mislead consumers by leaving out less favorable information such as being high in sodium or saturated fat. When it comes to food labels conforming with critically important Islamic dietary practices therefore, simply checking for halal or kosher markers is not enough.

As a result, grocery shopping as a Muslim requires extensive knowledge about ingredients and industrial food preparation. Through the late 1960s, there was little information on food labels to identify their nutrient content. Back then, meals in American households were typically prepared at home from basic ingredients and most foods did not require a nutrition label. However, as more processed foods and beverages entered the U.S. market, and food retailers became more deceitful and blatantly profit-seeking, consumers soon came to need additional information that would help them make informed choices. 

In 1990, Congress passage of the Nutrition Labeling and Education Act was an historic moment for the food industry. As a result of this legislation, food producers were forced to include food labels on their products to disclose key nutritional information, including a “% Daily Value” (DV) that is based on a 2,000-calorie diet. This information can be used to support personal dietary needs by looking for foods that contain more or less of the nutrients they desire. However, as it turns out, 2,000 was never an accurate number. It was, in fact, a number arrived at via extensive debate and disagreement that has yet to be fully resolved. “In truth, there is no standard number of daily calories,” said Joseph St. Pierre, Hartford HealthCare bariatric specialist at St. Vincent’s Medical Center.

Confusing and Misleading Food Labelling 

A food label claim becomes confusing or misleading when it provides inaccurate or incomplete product information, potentially deceiving consumers into believing something about it that isn’t true. Manufacturers generally describe the nutrient levels by using terms such as “free,” “high,” “low,” and “reduced,” or they use a number of other attractive or beneficial identifiers such as “organic,” “free-range,” or “no-hormone” to convince consumers that the product is healthy and ethical. In actuality, the term “organic” does not necessarily mean a product is healthy while the term “free-range” does not mean that chickens roam free yards.

Other examples of confusing terms are “no-cholesterol peanut butter,” (cholesterol is only found in animal products), or the use of “made with sea salt” (both table salt and sea salt have about the same amount of sodium per serving). The terms “Superfoods” or “Superfruits” are also misleading and lack scientific evidence and the use of the term “low carb” is misleading as the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) does not have any guidelines for such labels. According to the FDA, “light” sounds healthy, but some products are extensively processed to reduce calories or fat, and consumers are advised to check carefully to see what has been added to make up for these reduced quantities. 

Grace Hussain lists terms considered among the most misleading food labelling. She claims that “sugar-free” products can contain up to 0.5 grams of sugar in each serving while “fruit-flavored” is typically flavored with chemicals that produce a fruity taste The claim “made with whole grains” is also misleading as food producers can claim that foods are made with whole grains even if they are made primarily with refined grains Likewise, the term “multigrain” simply means that a variety of grains were used in the food and most, if not all of them, are likely refined. The FDA defines “natural” to mean a product that contains nothing artificial or synthetic, while the USDA defines it as simply minimally processed. The “no-cholesterol” label suggests that it is cholesterol-free, but according to FDA, these food items can contain up to 2 milligram of cholesterol per serving.

The Truth Behind “Organic” Foods

The marketing effort behind organic foods in the United States has been strong for some time. Commonly, organic foods are said to be grown with no chemicals, making them safer and more nutritious for consumers. But according to avid gardener and author Robert Pavlis in his bookFood Science for Gardeners, scientific testing does not support these claims. In one study of 68,946 French adults published in JAMA Internal Medicine in 2018, a correlation between organic food consumption and a reduced risk of cancer was heavily criticized for various methodological flaws. Other studies claiming the benefits of organic food consumption have come under similar scrutiny.

Rather than an authentic representation of the actual content of food items, such marketing terms are mostly used to increase the product’s sales. It is not surprising, then, that according to a 2024 report in Newsweek, none of the world’s 30 biggest food companies were following the World Health Organization’s (WHO) recommendations for responsible marketing.

Factors Leading to Vague and Misleading Food Label Claims

Marketing influences food preferences and choices. Research shows that adding health claims on FOP labels makes people believe that the product is healthier than products that do not list such health claims, thus affecting consumer choices. Unfortunately, most people use the information provided on the FOP rather than the information provided on the “Nutrition Fact” table and in the “Ingredient Statement” for the product itself.

There are also other factors that may lead to further confusion such as the FDA allowing for up to a 20% margin of error. For example, if the label of a food product says there is a certain amount of carbs, calories, or sugars in it, there could be up to 20% more or less than is specified in the label. 

Compounding the confusion is the fact that food products are regulated by multiple government, state, or private agencies. For example, the National Organic Program (NOP) is the federal regulatory framework governing organically produced crops and livestock. Certifiers interested in becoming a USDA Accredited Certifying Agent (ACA) apply to the NOP for accreditation. The USDA oversees the program and enforces the NOP regulations and standards. But some reports indicate that the enforcement division needs to make major improvements before labels identifying organic foods are to be trusted.

Another important factor contributing to the overall confusion in food labeling is the lack of consumers’ knowledge about food label claims and their regulatory agencies. According to the FDA, there are three major types of food claims represented on food packaging, each following a specific set of requirements: health claims, structure/function claims, and nutrient content claims. Health claims on food products require pre-market review and approval by the FDA. However, structure/function and nutrient content claims are FDA regulated but are not pre-approved by the FDA before they are released in the market. This can be misleading because companies can use language to focus on a single positive nutrient while neglecting the product’s other potentially unhealthy aspects. 

 Finding the Truth in Food Labels  

Despite the use of confusing and misleading terms meant to trick consumers into purchasing food products, there are few simple steps consumers can take to make informed decisions at the grocery store:

• Do not solely rely on FOP claims; ignore claims made in large fonts. Read the fine print on the label.
• Choose foods with less than 5 ingredients that are real food and spices. If you want to consume less of something such as saturated fat or sodium, choose foods with a lower percentage DV (5% or less).
• Products that have whole foods listed as the first few ingredients are likely to be healthier than those that list refined grains or sugars first since food ingredients are listed by quantity in descending order.
• Look at serving size to compare nutrients between products.
• Sugar is added to virtually every type of processed food and can be recognized in the ingredients list by the ending “-ose” such as dextrose, fructose, and sucralose. 
• Look for labels and terms that are defined by USDA such as the term “Fresh Poultry” which means that whole poultry and cuts have never been below 26 degrees Fahrenheit. 
• Seek out labels that are verified through third party certifiers such as the term “Grass-Fed” which is approved by the Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS). 
• Avoid processed foods altogether, and instead seek out primarily whole foods and plant-based foods such as products made with 100% whole grains, fruits, and vegetables.  

Nutrition labels can provide a wealth of information, so use them to your advantage by following the rule: Read it before you eat it. Reading the nutrition facts and ingredient list must include more intention and diligence for Muslim consumers than just glancing at the front of the package.

Mohammad Abdullah, DVM, who retired after serving 29 years with the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Food Safety and Inspection Service, the agency that regulates the meat industry, is the author of A Closer Look at Halal Meat from Farm to Fork (Ahmed Jakda Publishing, 2016).

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By Margaux Blanchard

Mar/Apr 25

During Ramadan, in classrooms across North America, Muslim students run on nothing but faith and willpower. No snacks, no water, just sabr (patience) and a countdown to maghrib (sunset prayer). While their classmates sip on iced lattes and munch on chips, these students quietly push through lectures, group projects, and pop quizzes while fasting from dawn to dusk. For Muslim students, Ramadan is about taqwa, consciousness of God, and maintaining spiritual focus while navigating the demands of academic life.

While fasting during Ramadan, students wake up at 4:30 a.m. for suhoor (pre-dawn meal), eat half asleep, and then head back to bed only to rise again two hours later for school. By noon, hunger isn’t the main battle; it’s the fatigue that settles in after only a few hours of sleep followed by many more spent concentrating in class. In gym, fasting students often find themselves caught in a dilemma between participating in physical activities with classmates or conserving their much needed energy. Some teachers are quick to offer alternatives – study halls or lighter exercises – while others still expect laps to be run regardless of an empty stomach. It’s a balancing act between honoring faith and meeting academic expectations, one that requires personal and institutional support.

Challenges and Successes for Muslim Students during Ramadan

But Ramadan at school isn’t just about saying “no” to food. It’s also about saying “yes” to faith while praying dhuhr (midday prayer) in a quiet corner or an empty classroom. It is about dodging curious glances, and fielding questions like, “Wait, not even water?” It’s about explaining the significance of fasting without turning every classroom discussion into a theology seminar. 

This consistent pattern of unique struggles Muslim students face during Ramadan hasn’t gone unnoticed. Schools are starting to catch on. Many schools now offer designated prayer spaces, flexible schedules, and cultural-awareness workshops for teachers. In Dearborn – home to the largest Arab American community – schools like Fordson High School send newsletters explaining Ramadan to parents and staff, ensuring that celebrations like Eid al-Fitr are recognized alongside Christmas and Hanukkah.

(https://www.espn.com/college-sports/highschool/news/story?id=5467167)

Despite this progress, some challenges remain. In smaller towns such as Lafayette, La., accommodations can feel more like exceptions than norms. Students often have to advocate for themselves by requesting spaces to pray or by asking for understanding when they simply can’t give 100%. Some face microaggressions like peers eating as conspicuously as possible or teachers questioning whether fasting affects their ability to perform in class. 

During times of discouragement, it is important to remember that Ramadan isn’t just about the challenges; it’s also about pride. Many Muslim students see the holy month as an opportunity to share their culture and religion with classmates. Some schools, like Al-Huda School in College Park, Md., turn the month of fasting into a teaching moment, incorporating lessons about Ramadan and Islam into the curriculum. These efforts go a long way toward demystifying the practices and countering stereotypes, but they also highlight a deeper issue – why does it take seeing Muslim students struggle during Ramadan for schools to notice Islam?

The answer, for many educators, lies in policy, or the lack of it. While some cities such as Chicago and Houston have introduced guidelines for religious accommodations, others are still navigating these waters without clear direction. Teachers, often left to make decisions without institutional support or advice, rely on their own understanding or misunderstanding of Ramadan, leading to inconsistent and sometimes problematic practices. For their part, the students themselves are often the ones having to repeatedly explain their practices to teachers and peers, turning their personal spiritual journey into a public discussion.

(https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/with-start-of-ramadan-muslim-students-in-lousiana-want-better-accommodations-in-schools)

Even in schools that make accommodations, there’s an underlying tension – how much flexibility is too much? At what point does inclusivity become favoritism? While most schools are moving toward inclusion, some are still grappling with the idea that accommodating religious practices doesn’t mean endorsing them.

For Muslim students, however, the need is clear. Ramadan isn’t just a month of fasting; it’s a deeply personal, spiritual journey that doesn’t pause for exams, essays, or gym class. As schools continue to diversify, the question isn’t whether they should adapt, but how quickly and how thoughtfully they can rise to meet the moment.

Policy Priorities in Diverse School Settings

In Toronto, where multiculturalism is sewn into the city’s fabric, some schools are at the forefront of accommodating Ramadan observances. Teacher Zara Malik at Valley Park Middle School in Toronto described how designated prayer rooms felt like sanctuaries during busy school days. “We pushed for it and now we have this space where we don’t feel like we’re interrupting anyone’s schedule just to practice our faith,” she said.

Teachers in these schools are proactive, allowing students to reschedule tests or assignments. But inclusivity isn’t always seamless. Toronto educator Diana Andrews, a history teacher at Lawrence Heights Public School, admitted that the learning curve is steep. “The first year, we weren’t prepared,” Andrews said. “We had students falling asleep in class and skipping gym without explanation. Now we know better. We give options for lighter activities in PE and plan tests with flexibility in mind.” 

In Dearborn, inclusivity is less about building awareness and more about refining practices. Schools in Dearborn have long embraced prayer rooms and adjusted schedules for Muslim students, but administrators are now experimenting with more structured approaches.

“We don’t just accommodate anymore,” said Principal Hadiya Al-Khatib of Crestwood Preparatory College in Toronto. “We integrate.” She pointed to events like Ramadan-themed assemblies and iftars hosted on campus as examples of efforts to create a sense of belonging. “The goal is to make students feel seen, not just tolerated,” she said.

In rural areas where Muslim populations are smaller and less visible, change is slower but no less significant. For example, in Montana, educators are learning to adapt in real time. Emily Rogers, principal of West High School in Billings, Mt., admitted she hadn’t heard of Ramadan until a student brought it up. “We’re playing catch-up,” she said, “but we’ve turned a storage closet into a prayer room, and our PE teacher now offers students the option to sit out certain activities. It’s baby steps, but we’re getting there.” 

For some students in schools with a smaller Muslim population, accommodations have been life changing. Amina Yusuf, a junior in a rural Kansas high school, shared how difficult her first Ramadan as a freshman at school had been. “There was nowhere to pray, and lunchtime was the worst,” she said. “I’d just sit in the library, alone.”

After her parents met with the administration, the school created a quiet room and encouraged teachers to let fasting students take breaks if needed. “It’s not perfect but I don’t feel invisible anymore,” Yusuf said.

Policy changes played a big role in this shift. Some districts issued formal guidelines, encouraging teachers to offer flexible deadlines and adjust schedules during Ramadan. In California, schools are providing cultural competency training for staff, ensuring teachers understand not just the basics of Ramadan but the deeper significance it holds for Muslim students. Educators are often the driving force behind these efforts.

Priya Patel, a math teacher at Stuyvesant High School in New York City, set up a Ramadan resource table in the staff room. “I printed out a cheat sheet explaining the basics – fasting, prayer, Eid – and it sparked conversations,” she said. “Teachers started asking questions instead of making assumptions.”

Policies and practices can only go so far without buy-in from students and parents. Several administrators stressed the importance of open communication, encouraging families to voice their needs without hesitation. (https://ospi.k12.wa.us/policy-funding/equity-and-civil-rights/information-families-civil-rights-washington-schools/religion-schools) In one case, a parent in Fort Cavazos, Tex., worked with the PTA to host a Ramadan Awareness Night, which included a mock iftar for teachers and classmates. (https://www.army.mil/article/275278/iftar_provides_community_connection) These efforts underscore a broader cultural shift in schools from simply acknowledging religious diversity to actively creating environments where it can thrive.

Incremental Change Still Has an Impact

There is still a long way to go. Some students still struggle to explain their faith and traditions to their peers, and not every school has the resources to implement changes quickly. One theme emerged repeatedly: change often begins with a single conversation.

“It all started when a student asked if they could have a quiet space to pray,” Patel said. “That small question sparked bigger changes in how we approach accommodations for Ramadan. Sometimes, change begins with something as simple as asking.” Whether it’s a student asking for a prayer space, a teacher offering flexibility during exams, or a principal turning a supply closet into a quiet refuge, small steps are adding up to create more inclusive learning environments.

As schools continue to evolve, their responses to Ramadan may serve as a litmus test for their broader commitment to equity and inclusion. With each adjustment and accommodation, the message grows louder: faith and education don’t have to exist in separate worlds. They can – and should – thrive together.

Margaux Blanchard is a freelance journalist based in Canada.

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By Tariq Shah

Mar/Apr 25

The U.S. government’s response to the 9/11 attacks, while driven by national security concerns, helped cement a damaging stereotype of Muslims and Arabs as anti-American. This portrayal, amplified by mainstream media, fueled Islamophobia, hate crimes, and social exclusion. Hollywood, as noted in Jack G. Shaheen’s Reel Bad Arabs, played a central role in vilifying Muslims.

Post-9/11, policies like the USA PATRIOT Act (Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act of 2001) and the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System (NSEERS) disproportionately targeted Muslim and Arab communities, reinforcing the idea of Muslims as security threats. Meanwhile, the threat posed by domestic groups, such as violent white nationalist militias, was largely ignored, highlighting the need for a more balanced approach to domestic security.

Law professor Caroline Corbin from the University of Miami School of Law identifies two false narratives: “All terrorists are Muslim,” and “White people are never terrorists.” These misconceptions distort reality, as they often morph into the damaging belief that “all Muslims are terrorists.”

The media’s focus on individual Muslims’ actions, painting entire communities or even Islam as responsible, perpetuates this harmful stereotype. The negative coverage of Muslims has a far greater impact on American social consciousness than any positive portrayals. It reinforces the false connection between Muslims and terrorism.

The media’s tendency to link Muslims and terrorism plays on the availability heuristic: vivid, negative portrayals overshadow facts, leading to skewed judgments and fostering hostility toward Muslim Americans. To counter this, we must adopt an evidence-based approach that acknowledges the diversity of Muslim experiences, challenges stereotypes, and promotes nuanced dialogue.

Global Rise in Islamophobia

Islamophobia is a global issue. In Europe, mosques, Muslim-owned businesses, and individuals face rising violence, vandalism, and harassment. In India, the spread of Hindutva, an ideology of anti-Muslim hate, has sparked violent attacks on Muslims, deepening fears in a community already marginalized by racial hatred.

In 2017, a far-right gunman attacked a mosque in Quebec City, killing six. The community responded with vigils and calls for unity. In 2019, a white supremacist gunman killed 51 Muslims in Christchurch, New Zealand, prompting stricter gun laws and the launch of the “Christchurch Call” to combat online extremism.

Media Representation and Responsibility

The internet and social media have become major platforms for scapegoating Islam. Partisan outlets create echo chambers that reinforce harmful narratives, like the idea that Islam is inherently violent. Media outlets often perpetuate a double standard, emphasizing the religion of Muslim perpetrators while downplaying the affiliations of non-Muslim offenders. This selective coverage perpetuates Islamophobia.

To counter these stereotypes, we must promote media literacy, fact-checking, diverse sources, and inclusive representation. A 2017 GAO report found that since 9/11, far-right extremists have committed 73% of deadly extremist incidents in the U.S., compared to 27% by radical Muslim extremists. 

Yet, the media continues to focus on Muslim and black perpetrators, reinforcing racial and religious stereotypes. Researchers have repeatedly demonstrated the propagation of negative stereotypes and Islamophobic tropes by self-proclaimed and media-appointed “experts”.

When individuals are “othered,” they are unfairly blamed for the actions of a few. For example, stereotypes that link Mexicans to crime or Chinese people to the spread of COVID-19 ignore the diversity within these groups. Similarly, when Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu framed military actions in Gaza as a “divine mission,” the role of Judaism in these actions was questioned, yet the religion itself wasn’t blamed for war crimes.

White shooters, on the other hand, are often labeled as “lone wolves,” and their race, religion, or ideology is rarely emphasized.

Joseph Czuba’s 2023 murder of a 6-year-old Palestinian boy was framed as a hate crime, but his religion wasn’t mentioned in news reports. The same is true for recent gunmen who targeted President Trump, where their race, religion, and political affiliations were largely omitted. 

In July and October 2024, two Caucasian gunmen shot at President Trump over political disagreement. The media and police barely mentioned their religion, ethnicity, or political affiliations, only stating these were “unknown.” The New Year’s Eve rampage by Shamsud-Din Jabbar, a U.S. Army veteran struggling with PTSD, economic and personal issues, and isolation, was wrongly linked to his religion by the media. Why the double standard in how Muslim and non-Muslim perpetrators are framed?

Selective demonization of Islam, especially when the perpetrator is Muslim, must end. Stereotyping Islam reinforces misconceptions, prejudice, and violence. It is crucial to recognize that crimes are committed by individuals, not entire communities, or religions.

Muslims Shouldn’t Have to Defend Their Faith

In the aftermath of violent events, Muslims often feel pressured to defend their faith. This is a form of prejudice, not complicity. In Presumed Guilty: Why We Shouldn’t Ask Muslims to Condemn Terrorism, Prof. Todd Green argues that focusing on evidence, rather than assumptions, reveals that no inherent link exists between Islam and terrorism.

Global Initiatives and Collective Action

Combating Islamophobia requires amplifying diverse Muslim voices, consulting experts, and avoiding tokenization. Instead of retreating, we must engage proactively with media platforms to foster accurate, inclusive representation and inclusive storytelling. Muslim youth, supported by imams and community leaders, can drive positive change, and help promote systemic anti-Muslim biases over sensationalism.

The Christchurch Call is an example of collective action against violent extremism online, promoting accountability through shared vision and multi-stakeholder collaboration. This framework offers a model for combating hate in the digital age.

Countering Islamophobia, and hatred of any religion, is a moral, ethical, and civilizational imperative. It is essential for building a just, peaceful society rooted in equality, justice, and mutual respect.

Tariq Shah is a citizen writer and a Michigan resident.

The post Countering Islamophobia is a Civilizational Imperative appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Luke Peterson

Mar/Apr 25

Though the well-established institutional and intellectual bias shown by Western media and the United States government toward Israel has been entrenched in this country’s psychology for three-quarters of a century, a new facet in the American insistence on the Israeli narrative has recently emerged. This new element legislates that the U.S. government and its myriad of entities and affiliates refuse to accept or endorse demographic statistics produced by the Palestinian government. 

Specifically, according to a brief provision buried within the recently passed National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), which authorized a colossal new $895 billion spending package for the U.S. military, the U.S. will not accept casualty figures from the Gaza Health Ministry as it endeavors to keep up with the nearly interminable list of dead, injured, or missing Gazans since the most recent Israeli assault on that population began in October of 2023. 

Ostensibly, this line-item proviso was attached to the NDAA to maintain intellectual balance in U.S. government recordkeeping on Israel and Palestine. Congress’ stance over Gaza works according to Israeli propaganda requirements that, despite the prolific destruction wrought upon that territory by the Israeli military over the course of the last 15 months, is still largely under the official sway of the Hamas government, a political organization founded in the ideology of resistance to the illegal Israeli occupation of Palestine. Rejecting the Gaza Health Ministry’s statistics is therefore a hedging of bets by the U.S. government. They will not trust Gazan health statistics because Gaza is governed by Hamas, and the U.S. considers Hamas a terrorist entity and is therefore not to be trusted. Lawmakers on both sides of the barely visible political aisle when it comes to this topic agreed on this point all while Israeli statistics are naturally not burdened by the stain of partiality for some reason that has never been explained by the federal government. 

This trend mandating that officials reject statistical information coming from the Gaza Ministry of Health is a new phenomenon. In fact, aspersions cast upon official figures provided by the Gaza Health Ministry began only after the widely lauded humanitarian agency Amnesty International (AI) confirmed for the world what Palestinians already knew: Israel’s indiscriminate assault on Gaza beginning in October of 2023 constitutes genocide. 

AI’s established record as an international watchdog has made it into a standard-bearer of fact in reporting on crises and conflicts all over the world. Today, it is a much relied-upon agency informing state governments as well as political coalitions like the European Union, and it has declared statistics from the Gaza Health Ministry to be factual and reliable. Nevertheless, the official U.S. position is to ignore AI’s finding on the ongoing Israeli genocide in Gaza. As it has done for the past 75 years of this occupation, the U.S. government simply looks away when truly neutral agencies like AI clamor for a ceasefire to protect innocent civilians in Gaza.

AI is not alone in trusting the Gaza Health Ministry to report on intentional Israeli efforts to exterminate the Palestinians. Statistics coming out of the government in Gaza are also trusted by the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. Further, the World Health Organization and Human Rights Watch cite Gaza Ministry of Health figures in their reporting on the destruction of the Palestinian society by the Israeli occupiers. 

Where Israeli crimes are concerned, however, it seems AI’s word confirming the Gaza Health Ministry’s assessment of the carnage done to their own people by the Israeli onslaught is not sufficient for the U.S. government or media establishment. So, continuously in the throes of the ongoing American love affair with Israel, while at the same time rejecting international confirmation of the Ministry of Health in Gaza, the American news establishment deliberately leaves consumers in the dark regarding Israeli brutality in the Gaza Strip. 

As such, the extent of the Israeli destruction of Gaza since October of 2023 is largely unknown to Americans. A key component within that body of ignorance is a profound lack of knowledge about the number of Palestinian dead in Gaza (at least 45,541 including 17,492 children with an additional 11,160 missing) and the percentage of those casualties that were civilian non-combatants (no less than 70% according to Gaza Ministry of Health statistics and verified by additional, international observers). And there is simply no way to account for the thousands of Palestinians who now lie buried under the rubble, a number which may well escalate the number of casualties in Gaza to between 64,000 and 186,000 dead.

Such deliberate obfuscation of the numbers of dead and missing in Gaza by the U.S. news media is perhaps only the most blatant example of that institution carrying water for the state of Israel since 1948, and especially since October of 2023. In addition to these omissions, analysis of the news covering the genocide in Gaza during this period has demonstrated utterly biased coverage in favor of the Israeli narrative across news media outlets in the U.S. In reputable publications from The New York Times to The Washington Post to the Los Angeles Times, coverage of the war on Gaza has enacted hyperbolic language to describe Israeli deaths while downplaying or omitting the killing of Palestinians, a massacre of citizenry more than 40 times larger than the deaths of Israelis that occurred on October 7. 

In a detailed analysis of more than 1,000 news articles from those sources mentioned above, the independent outlet The Intercept uncovered a glaring bias in the U.S. media’s approach to the ongoing destruction of Gaza. “Highly emotive terms for the killing of civilians like ‘slaughter’, ‘massacre’, and ‘horrific’ were reserved almost exclusively for Israelis who were killed by Palestinians, rather than the other way around,” the report read. “The term ‘slaughter’ was used by editors and reporters to describe the killing of Israelis versus Palestinians 60 to 1, and ‘massacre’ was used to describe the killing of Israelis versus Palestinians 125 to 2. ‘Horrific’ was used to describe the killing of Israelis versus Palestinians 36 to 4.” 

Further, shockingly few stories emanating from these standard bearers of U.S. news ever mentioned the staggering number of Palestinian children and journalists that have been killed by Israel. “Only two headlines out of over 1,100 news articles in the study mention the word ‘children’ related to Gazan children,” the Intercept report stated. “The word ‘journalists’ and its iterations such as ‘reporters’ and ‘photojournalists’ only appears in nine headlines out of over 1,100 articles studied.” 

Much more concern was shown by U.S. news media over child killings and the targeting of journalists in Ukraine during this period of time versus the much more numerous casualties of this type inflicted by Israel in Gaza. In the light of this analysis and others of its kind, it is reasonable to conclude that U.S. news media simply does not want its readership to know about the Israeli slaughter of the Palestinians either in its gory detail or even by description in broad strokes. 

So, we are left with an unclear picture of the damage done by Israel in Gaza, and if we continue to put our faith in the authoritative U.S. news media, we will remain ignorant of the horrific crimes committed by America’s closest ally in the Middle East. 

Worse than the promotion of ignorance about this genocide, though, is the the fact that the U.S. is materially abetting Israel’s actions. With only a few weeks left of his bitterly disappointing presidency, Joe Biden authorized an additional $8 billion in weaponry to Israel. Little wonder, then, that American newsmakers want media consumers to look the other way when it comes to Israel’s mass murder in Gaza. What might an accurately informed citizenry do about a government that actively participates in genocide? 

Luke Peterson, Ph.D., The University of Cambridge–King’s College, is a professor of Arabic and Middle Eastern Studies based in Pittsburgh. He is also the author of The U.S. Military in the Print News Media: Service and Sacrifice in Contemporary Discourse (2024).

The post True Gaza Death Toll Remains Unknown appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Abu Ali Bafaquih 

Mar/Apr 25

Arkansas Senator Tom Cotton (R) has introduced a Senate bill mirroring the HR 7552 House bill introduced last February by New York Republicans Reps. Claudia Tenney and Anthony D’Esposito, alongside Randy Weber (R. Tex.).

The bill mandates that all official U.S. federal government documents refer to the West Bank as “Judea and Samaria,” the terminology which they claim aligns with Israel’s historical and biblical claims to the territory. 

In doing so, Cotton has regurgitated what several Congress members on both sides of the aisle have previously stated, “The Jewish people’s legal and historic rights to Judea and Samaria go back thousands of years. The U.S. should stop using the politically charged term West Bank to refer to the biblical heartland of Israel.” 

The name West Bank is a translation of the Arabic term ad-Duffah al-Gharbiyyah, given to the territory west of the Jordan River. Gaza and the West Bank are two Palestinian territories that were a small part of Mandate Palestine and were part of the swatch of territory captured by Israel during the Six-Day War in 1967. On the ground, however, Israel has rendered a two-state solution including the creation of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel impossible with the establishment of more than 300 settlements with a population of approximately 700,00 on occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem.  

Effectively, this the U.S. congressional move aims to erase Palestinian identity, and cements U.S. complicity in Israeli expansionism. It also gives the blatant greenlight for further, illegal settlement expansion.

Cotton’s interest, however, is most interesting. According to the Jewish Virtual Library published by the American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise, his state’s Jewish population was 4,000 in 1899 rising to 5,090 in 2024, just 0.17% of his state’s overall population. However, his deep interest in Israeli policies should be seen through the lens of his receipts from the American-Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC): Code Pink says that he has received $237,077 from AIPAC. The New York Times announced that the amount of this financial assistance was around $2 million. This is while some informed sources in the US say the AIPAC lobby has spent $4.5 million for Tom Cotton to insure his winning against “Mark Pryor” in the 2014 Senate elections.

Israel is headed by a fragile ultra right-wing coalition that holds 64 seats out of a 120-seat Knesset. The ruling western-armed Israeli junta has, since Oct. 7, 2023, and as always since the British planted this colony in 1948, striven to eliminate all non-Jews, because they claim they have a “birthright” in the territory.

On July 24, 2024, the head of this ethnocracy, Benjamin Netanyahu visited the U.S. Congress where had pledged in a scathing and combative speech to achieve “total victory” against Hamas while denouncing American opponents of the war in Gaza as “idiots”.

Speaking for nearly an hour in which, he was applauded 79 times, 58 of which were standing ovations from sycophantic members of Congress, Netanyahu said, “America and Israel must stand together. When we stand together something really simple happens: We win, they lose.” 

In essence, Netanyahu was verifying that his colonial occupation of Palestine is American made. 

To this end, it serves Netanyahu that those of us watching the release of the Israeli hostages notice the extensive damage all over Gaza, but not the Palestinian jubilation over the release of their hostages, or the surviving strength of Hamas.  

It was ordained that Hamas demonstrate clear control of these scenes while transferring previously held Israelis to the ICRC without any indication that the occupation had caved in.

Netanyahu is banking on a Palestinian revolt against Hamas so that the U.S. and Israel can install a more pliant regime, like the ineffectual Palestinian Authority (PA) in the occupied West Bank.

The Anadolu Agency’s Abdelraouf Arnaout, citing Israeli analyst Avi Issacharoff, wrote in Israel’s Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper on Jan. 20, 2025, “Even after 15 months of war, Hamas remains in place… Although the government of Benjamin Netanyahu said it will eradicate Hamas, the group not only survived militarily but also retained its rule intact.” 

True to their bias, Reuters reported, “But, in the days since the ceasefire took effect, Gaza’s Hamas-run administration has moved quickly to reimpose security, to curb looting, and to start restoring basic services to parts of the enclave, swathes of which have been reduced to wasteland by the Israeli offensive.”

The much-heralded ceasefire between Israel and Hamas (The Islamic Resistance Movement – an Arabic acronym Romanized from Arabic: Ḥarakat al-Muqāwamah al-ʾIslāmiyyah), loudly and falsely claimed by the American president as his own achievement, is merely a 42-day arrangement.

Still, Netanyahu continues his war in Gaza by refusing Israeli withdrawal from the denuded enclave. His coalition partner, Bezalel Smotrich, vows to bolt the coalition if stage two of the ceasefire is agreed upon. Consequently, Netanyahu will likely conduct a provocation, either in Gaza, the West Bank, or East Jerusalem, that could be interpreted as Hamas breaching the ceasefire thereby creating an excuse where Trump would re-assent to Israel’s renewal of the slaughter of innocent Palestinians.  

The Israelis and the American right-wing consider the question of who rules Gaza as the key to ending the war which would lead to the full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza. If Hamas remains in control of the Gaza Strip, there will likely be no reconstruction permitted. As it is, both the state of Israel and their U.S. backers have maintained a purely colonial mindset which may well lead to further ethnic cleansing in Palestine. The Trump Administration is very vocally pursuing Egypt, Jordan, and even Indonesia and Albania are being pressed to take in the intended to displace Palestinians from Gaza.  

Foreign ministers of five Arab countries, the PA, and the Arab League (Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar) have issued a joint statement rejecting the forced displacement of Palestinians from their land “under any excuse.”

The statement, released on Feb. 1, 2025, presented a unified stance against Trump’s call for Egypt and Jordan to take in Palestinian refugees from Gaza.

However, Trump reiterated his illegal position on Jan. 30, 2025, saying, “We do a lot for them, and they are going to do it.” This is in apparent reference to the abundant U.S. aid, including military assistance, to Egypt and Jordan, two countries who, along with Israel, have been exempted from the American aid cutoff initiated by the autocratic Trump.

Israel and its western partners envision the Palestinian Authority taking over control of the Rafah crossing, and eventually Gaza. But will Hamas, which survives despite all the propaganda and bombs, agree to the PA taking over a major thoroughfare in their territory?

Gershon Baskin Ph.D., an Israeli blogger and self-styled negotiator, says that the Israelis are banking on creating the facade of a new temporary government in Gaza by some pliable figures such as Dr. Nasser Alkidwa, the former PLO ambassador to the UN and former PA minister of foreign affairs (he also happens to be Yasser Arafat’s nephew). 

For their parts, regional Arab governments have been compliant since the British installed them to replace the Ottoman rule after World War I. To his credit, Trump, who visited the region in October 2018, correctly stated to cheers at a rally in Mississippi on October 2, “We protect Saudi Arabia — would you say they’re rich? And I love the king, King Salman, but I said, ‘King we’re protecting you. You might not be there for two weeks without us. You have to pay for your military, you have to pay. . .”

According to opinion polls published by Gallup in 2009, the presence of the U.S. military in Saudi Arabia was strongly objected to by most of the world’s Muslim population.

This is the reality of the present-day Muslim majority countries, organized under the obviously dormant Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Given their compromised position owing to the billions flowing in their direction from the United States, their immoral silence over the Gaza Genocide is understandable.

When will Arkansas, or any constituency of American voters, ask that their politicians focus on the U.S. like they do Israel? In the absence of that call, a joint U.S.-Zionist owned Gaza is far more sacrosanct than any human life, let alone the collection of 7 million Palestinians living on the land between the River and the Sea.

Abu Ali Bafaquih is a freelance writer.

The post Forced Ethnic Erasure appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Tariq Ahmed

Mar/Apr 25

Kashmir continues to bleed and determine South Asia’s power relations due to its framing as a national security issue. Surrounded by multiple nation-states, the former princely state has long been and continues to be adversely affected by its location. 

Its strategic significance can be traced back to the 19th-century Anglo-Russian conflict, when Central and South Asia were frontlines of the Great Game. British India and Russian-controlled Central Asia surrounded Kashmir. Russian influence made the British anxious, whereas the Russians saw Kashmir as a conduit between Central Asia and India. 

Kashmir’s transition from Afghan rule to the Sikh empire (1820-46) was a turning point. Kashmiri Muslims passed through miserable conditions under the reprehensible Sikh rule: Adhan was banned, the obligatory five daily prayers were prohibited, mosques were sealed, cow slaughter was banned, and heavy taxes were imposed.

The Sikh dynasty fell into disarray, after Ranjit Singh death in 1839. Meanwhile, British-Sikh tensions escalated due to their mutual distrust as regards territorial matters. Two successive wars erupted and ended only when the Sikhs were subjugated under the Treaty of Lahore (March 9, 1846) and required to pay an indemnity. Failing this, the Sikh Empire was forced to cede territory and its rights and interests. Resultantly, Punjab and Kashmir under direct British colonial rule. 

Selling Kashmir for Money and Merchandise

Britain, impatient to offload Kashmir due to its financial difficulties, sold the princely state to Gulab Singh, a Hindu ruler of the nearby province of Jammu, through the infamous Treaty of Amritsar on March 25, 1846. This was only days after signing the Lahore Treaty, relieving the British of all their direct control responsibilities. Besides the paltry sum of £750,000 (today about $31,040,131), the sale included people, land, crops, mountains, and rivers. In exchange for security guarantee, the British royalty required annual gifts of a few fabled Kashmiri shawls and cashmere goats.

The treaty formalized Gulab Singh’s loyalty to the British East India Company during the 1845-46 Anglo-Sikh war, and his relative munificence paid him dividends: He was installed as the Maharaja of the Jammu and Kashmir region, although neither he nor the British had any moral, political, cultural, or legal claims to Kashmir. This bizarre transaction was met with outrage and disbelief by the local population, whose homeland had been arbitrarily exchanged without their consent. This sense of injustice fueled unrest and resistance throughout Kashmir. The cries of Moha’id-e-Amritsar na- Manzour! (The Treaty of Amritsar is unacceptable!) reverberated throughout the skies. 

This manipulative and exploitative treaty ushered in a century of ruthless Hindu rule. In Jammu, Gulab Singh was notorious for brutalizing Muslims. For geostrategic, political, economic, and military reasons, the British needed him and so simply ignored his brutality. Sounds familiar, right? This treaty also enabled the British Empire to indirectly incorporate this region. Gulab Singh’s authority as a colonial agent was limited, and British agents closely monitored and influenced his administration. 

Scholars have wondered how two parties could sign a “sale deed” without any legal right to do so. The legal ownership of property – let alone a territory– is a prerequisite for selling, bartering, or forming territorial alliances. Whose land were they trading? Did they consult the real owners, the Kashmiris? Moreover, the Indian Independence Act of 1947 dissolved all agreements, arrangements, and treaties, including the Treaty of Amritsar, thereby invalidating any legitimacy derived from it.

Creating a buffer zone between the British and Russian empires minimized military risks and costs for the financially struggling East India Company. As both Russia and the Company secured their interests, Kashmiris’ daily lives changed dramatically. Gulab Singh levied heavy taxes, and inhuman forced labor caused economic and mental hardship, and Hindu culture was imposed upon the Muslims. While guarding an unwanted and unscrupulous ruler, the British ignored the Kashmiris’ suffering.

Partition

Hari Singh, a descendant of Gulab Singh, took over the government (r.1926-47) and plunged Kashmir even further into the darkness of repression. Forced labor, prisons, torture, land confiscations, taxation, and police violence against protesters amplified.

During Partition in 1947 – a time of horrendous communal hostilities and the call for a separate nation (Pakistan) – reached a crescendo. Hundreds of thousands of Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs of both genders and all ages were killed in one of modern history’s most traumatic events. Characterized by violence and displacement, families were torn apart, causing irreparable economic and social damage. Thousands of Muslims were massacred in the Jammu Massacre of Oct.-Nov. 1947 (Khalid Bashir, “Kashmir: A Walk-through History,” 2018).

Under the Indian Independence Act 1947, all princely states were given the option of joining either India or Pakistan; Gulab Singh refused to join either. As a result, Kashmir remained an independent territory for a few months. Due to the Partition plan, Muslim-dominated parts became Pakistan, which led to Pakistan’s rightful interest in Kashmir.

To aid Kashmir’s oppressed Muslims, armed militias from northwest Pakistan entered the princely state. According to this Partition logic, Kashmir should have gone to Pakistan, as the state has a close to 77% Muslim majority (British Census of India of 1941, The Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of [British] India). In response, Hari Singh requested military assistance from the Indian government, then under Governor-General Lord Mountbatten.

As Jammu and Kashmir was an independent kingdom, Mountbatten refused to intervene. Taking advantage of the situation, India coerced the maharaja to sign the “Instrument of Accession.” Mountbatten inserted a referendum clause, to which Indian leaders agreed, that any accession must be ratified by the Kashmiris. The original document, which India claims is untraceable, has been questioned for its legal or moral validity, whereabouts, and originality. 

Alastair Lamb has convincingly demonstrated in his “Birth of a Tragedy: Kashmir 1947” (Roxford Books, 1960) that India sent its troops to Kashmir before the alleged document was signed. They also co-opted and later installed Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah (d.1982), a popular local leader, as prime minister to manufacture the people’s consent. Soon, his insistence on a referendum led to his dismissal on the flimsy excuse of losing his cabinet’s confidence and the equally false charge of the Kashmir Conspiracy Case (Aug. 8, 1953). He spent the next 22 years in prison.

India and Pakistan fought their first war in January 1948. At India’s request, the UN intervened, and a ceasefire was called. But all subsequent Indian governments have demonstrated their inflexibility by not holding a referendum despite UNSCR 47’s (1948) calling for one. India fears that a truly democratic free and impartial plebiscite will favor Pakistan; although by definition self-determination implies all possible options including independence. 

The UN failures in Kashmir are akin to those in Palestine. It emphasizes human rights and international law, while the international community – often perfunctorily – advocates dialogue and diplomacy. As in the Great Game, geopolitical considerations and trade interests complicate decisive action.

The Securitization of Kashmir

This conflict has resulted in a dangerous deadlock. Pakistan perceives any compromise as a threat to its identity and water security, whereas India sees any concession as a threat to its national security. In this battle of two nationalisms, Kashmiris are exposed to human rights violations, economic hardships, psychological trauma, and attempts at identity erasure. Indian-occupied Kashmir is now facing the juggernaut of settler colonialism. 

This deadlocked conflict continues to have a widespread impact throughout South Asia, particularly in Kashmir, in terms of thousands of deaths, socioeconomic disruptions, limited and manipulated political representation, threats to cultural heritage, and strained sociopolitical relations. 

Political territorial conflicts don’t just disappear, as we have seen in the Middle East and Ukraine. They endure. Unresolved conflicts cause prolonged suffering and instability and often lead to radicalization and violence. The international community’s benign neglect or Prime Minister Modi’s facile muscular nationalism is no substitute for an equitable and peaceful dispute resolution. 

All that Kashmiris would like to see is an end to this zero-sum game. A civilized and just solution would be to determine what the people of Kashmir desire. 

This self-determination is long overdue for us! 

Tariq Ahmed is a freelance writer.

The post Kashmir’s Cartographic Misfortune and the Infamous 1946 Treaty of Amritsar appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Anmol Irfan

Mar/Apr 25

Each passing day brings new trends that revolve around the latest must-haves and the newest versions of everything we need to own right now. It’s not just limited to one category either. There are countless articles and social media posts dedicated to kitchen, bathroom, travel, and car essentials, and more. Such items are hardly ever “essentials” but merely things that would be nice to have. The need to just have more of anything is slowly becoming ingrained in our lives. 

As with any other festive season, experts say that even advocates for sustainability seem to get caught up in the constant cycle of consumption that exorbitantly increases this time of the year. When many of us think of overconsumption, the first thing that comes to mind is fast fashion. A 2023 UN Environment Program (UNEP) study revealed that textile production has skyrocketed from 18.3 lbs per person in 1975 to 34.2 lbs in 2023, with projections at 41.5 lbs by 2030.

The world is producing, consuming, and throwing away more clothes than ever before. Clothing production doubled from 2000 to 2014, with more than 150 billion garments produced annually. Every second, the equivalent of one garbage truck of textiles is landfilled or burned.

Many of us donate unwanted clothes to charity shops and clothing collection banks, but do we really know what happens to them? Globally, only 30% of collected clothing are resold on domestic markets, due to poor quality and low resale value. The rest are sold to textile merchants who ship them overseas to Sub-Saharan Africa to sell in countries like Kenya, Ghana and Senegal.

But consumption isn’t just limited to clothes – it is a mindset, and one that has become equally as pervasive in Muslim communities. 

In the age of social media and influencers, like others, many Muslims too easily fall into the overconsumption trap, often forgetting or ignoring what Islam says about it. The Quran stresses mindfulness when it comes to consuming anything, stating, “O children of Adam! Wear your beautiful apparel at every time and place of prayer; eat and drink; but waste not by excess, for God loves not the wasters” (7:31). It also pointedly reminds Muslims, “And do not waste, for God does not love the wasteful” (6:141).

Tammara Soma, an associate professor at Simon Fraser University and research director and co-founder of the Food Systems Lab, said what is important to note here is the feeling of wanting to consume excessively. “There’s a verse in the Quran that talks about how everything we chase after is a mirage (29:64),” she said “Real peace can be found in remembrance of God and we try to fill that void with consumption.” 

Muslims are taught that the life that we live on planet Earth and the privileges we enjoy here are temporary. We are free to enjoy what God has blessed us with, but in moderation, and we must keep our attachment at an arm’s length. The Quran states, “God made the Earth a temporary place of trial, not a permanent settlement” (40:39). Yet today’s trends around consumption are encouraging Muslims to do the exact opposite. 

Within this culture are embedded what Soma describes as “nudges” which can be as simple as a “Buy 1 Get 1 Free” sign, which makes buyers think you need to buy two things to “save” when really you only need one. This is perhaps the smallest example of how overconsumption is encouraged. 

Another big driver of overconsumption is the influencer culture which many popular Muslim social media creators participate in. In an effort to make Eid and Ramadan comparable to non-Muslim holidays, which are often lavish and maximalist, many Muslim influencers have fallen victim to overconsumption, especially when it comes to promoting excessive decor, clothes, and food. 

“Haul videos also play a huge part. And I have to admit, they’re fun to watch!” said Annie Mirza, chief editor at Faithfully Sustainable, a U.K.-based organization promoting Muslim-led initiatives at the front of the climate crisis. “Unboxing content [and] lifestyle/beauty/fashion upgrades present overconsumption as ordinary. And the influencers who create this content need and want to keep creating it. So they, of course, buy more things or are sent PR boxes frequently.”

Of course, influencers cannot take the full blame. While they do portray an extravagant and hard-to-achieve lifestyle, they are not forcing consumers to buy everything they promote. Consumers have free will and can decide for themselves if they want to imitate them. Social media might influence them, but they do need to take personal responsibility for also contributing to the culture of overconsumption.

Teacher Afsan Redwan (PhD, ‘24, Cardiff University) discussed how online mechanism and socializing has changed mindsets around why we do what we do. Overconsumption, he says, has become a social norm. “The whole idea of social circles, and social gathering and groups is one we are seeing completely change,” he said. “Within this new social hierarchy there’s also a mechanism of shaming that’s used as well. A lot of these mechanisms come around without an Allah-centric mindset.” 

Muslim sustainability activists are using Islamic principles to challenge these trends that lead to overconsumption by framing Islamic principles in the same accessible and easy-to-understand way.  

Nouhad Awaad, campaigner and global outreach coordinator for Ummah for Earth, shared that the organization bases its work on three Islamic principles: Haqimah, for wisdom, Mazin for balance, and Khalifa for stewardship. By promoting these three guiding principles, Awaad believes the organization can encourage Muslims to connect with mindful consumption and shape their own lifestyle choices rather than simply doing what others tell them. 

“Unfortunately we are seeing many people and consumers removed and disconnected from the consumption process,” said Awaad. “They don’t know the reality of people working to produce these things, or don’t know the environmental effects. So there is a lack of awareness on a humanitarian and environmental level.”

Mirza also explained how Muslims can take a step back and make sure that they are not part of those who are disconnected from these realities. “Faith inspires us,” she said. “It gives us meaning and purpose in many ways. It encourages us to live life in a positive way. Many of the things we must do, for example salah [prayer], reciting the Quran, reinforce and remind us about why we need to lead a healthy life.”

She added, “There’s also the ethical rationale that many of us get from faith to avoid what’s deemed harmful, like overconsumption and environmental neglect. And the accountability we feel knowing there is a God who will question us – who has entrusted us with not just the earth, but our own minds and bodies – can push us to take responsibility to live life in a healthier way. [It pushes us] to acknowledge what’s wrong – whether that’s overspending/excessive, living/unhealthy, eating/mental health problems/sickness, etc. – and aim to better it.” 

Of course there is still the question of how to bring oneself to the point where distinction can be made between what is wrong and make sure Islamic teachings are at the forefront of our decision making. 

“I want to ask people to link consumption to spirituality and be grateful for blessings before consuming them,” Awwad shared as a final piece of advice for anyone trying to make the switch. “Say Al hamdu lillah for whatever you consume, and say Bismillah whenever you do something, and give charity.”  

Anmol Irfan is a freelance writer and journalist, who has contributed to The Guardian, VICE, Gal-dem, and others.

The post Muslims vs. Overconsumption appeared first on Islamic Horizons.

By Baheejah Fareed

Mar/apr 25

On Nov. 22, 2024, in an 8-7 vote, the Texas State Board of Education (SBOE) approved the “Bluebonnet Learning” curriculum. Texas schools who choose to adopt the curriculum will receive up to $40 in additional funding per student. The curriculum will be available for use in classrooms for the 2025-26 school year. What are the implications of Bible-based instruction in Texas schools? What potential impact does this decision have on Muslim students in particular?

The Rise of Bible Education in Public Schools

In 2007, the Texas legislature passed House Bill 1287 allowing the inclusion of elective Bible courses in public schools. While these courses are intended to provide students with an academic study of the Bible’s literary, historical, and cultural significance, a similar opportunity to learn from other religious texts is not offered.  But the Bluebonnet curriculum remakes HB 1287 into something taught to all students in the districts that adopt it. 

Pearland, Tex., based Educational Consultant Shanedria Wagner, a Christian, is nevertheless concerned at the proposition of public schools teaching the Bible. In an interview on Fox 26 News in Houston in November 2024, she said, “We  live in a democracy not a theocracy. If the district adopts it, you have to teach it. Why force it on students and treat other religions as an afterthought?” In the same interview, Victor M. Rios, a teacher, argued, “It comes with a $40 incentive per student. Sometimes you have to follow the money.” He further indicated, “[The  Bible is] interwoven into our government already, and into Texas culture.” 

Creators of the Bluebonnet curriculum defended its biblical content, arguing that the Bible is a foundational document of our civilization so students must understand it to be well-educated citizens. In her criticism, of Bluebonnet, Caryn Tamber-Rosenau, a Biblical scholar, writes, “The idea that there is a real thing called ‘Judeo-Christian’ obscures the major differences between these two religions, and between Jewish and Christian interpretations of the Hebrew Bible.”

Legal Framework and Social Challenges

The First Amendment mandates that public schools maintain a separation of church and state. This means the Bible cannot be presented in a way that promotes or endorses religious beliefs, however it can be taught from a secular, academic perspective such as in literature, history, or cultural studies. But legal debates have long argued that Bible courses often sway too closely to religious indoctrination instead of remaining strictly academic. As such, the question remains, what parameters will be set to keep teachers from teaching the Bible as the one true religious text for everyone to follow? In an AP News article published on Nov. 22, 2024, Mathew Patrick Shaw, an Assistant Professor of Public Policy and Education at Vanderbilt University, supported this constitutional challenge to the Bluebonnet curriculum, stating, “whether the lesson plans will be considered constitutional is up in the air.” 

Muslim Students Struggle to Maintain Faith and Identity 

Before Bluebonnet, opting out of Bible classes was possible for Muslim students. However, this option was not well-publicized and Muslim students often felt  social pressure to conform to the majority culture, leading to stigma and feelings of isolation. On Nov. 21, 2024, Houston-based news anchor Isiah Carey asked, “But when the school district decides, what do the students do when they have different beliefs, and they don’t want to participate in that? Particularly in my family [there have been] lots of Jehovah’s Witnesses and religion was not to be taught in schools” He further questions, “How will they be graded?”

As evidenced, the inclusion of Bible instruction in the public curriculum  raises both practical and philosophical concerns for Muslim families. The reality of attending a public school where Christianity is the default cultural reference, or is mandated by legal decree, can be alienating for students of various faiths, especially Muslims. The loss of Muslim identity and faith  would likely be the result of such influences. 

The following list indicates some of the ways in which Muslim students suffer from the Christian doctrine within our country’s public schools.

1. Exclusion

In a third-grade lesson about the first Thanksgiving, teachers discuss how the governor of Plymouth said a prayer and gave a speech that included references to “several passages from the Christian Bible in the book of Psalms.” Teachers are then instructed to tell students the book of Psalms is a collection of songs, poems and hymns “that are used in both Jewish and Christian worship.”

The constant exposure to Christian stories, doctrines, and values may make Muslim students feel like outsiders in their own classrooms even when presented from a historical or literary perspective. It might be an unintentional signal that their own religious beliefs are secondary or irrelevant for Muslim students. 

 2. Lack of Representation

Islamic perspectives, which emphasize the Quran as the primary religious text, are often overlooked or misunderstood. This lack of representation can leave Muslim students feeling that their faith and its sacred texts are undervalued or misrepresented, reinforcing the notion that only Christianity holds cultural or educational weight in American society.

Moreover, Muslim students may struggle with teachers or peers who hold misconceptions about Islam. This lack of proper representation can contribute to a broader environment of misunderstanding or even discrimination, further complicating their educational experience.

3. The Tension Between Faith and Education

Muslim students may also face a deeper, more personal conflict between their faith and the nature of Bible instruction. While they are encouraged to respect other religions, including Christianity, many Muslims believe that religious education should not include teachings that contradict Islamic beliefs. For example, Muslim students may feel uncomfortable when Bible courses delve into teachings about the divinity of Jesus, which directly contradicts core Islamic teachings about the oneness of God. This tension can create a cognitive dissonance for Muslim students who are expected to engage with a curriculum that promotes views contrary to their own.

“This curriculum is not age-appropriate or subject matter appropriate in the way that it presents these Bible stories,” said Amanda Tyler, executive director of the Baptist Joint Committee for Religious Liberty. Children who read the material, Tyler said, “are simply too young to tell the difference between what is a faith claim and what is a matter of fact.”

The Way Forward

As Texas continues to expand the inclusion of Bible courses in its public schools, it’s important for those in charge to consider the needs of all students, especially those from minority religious communities. Another option is for parents to consider removing their children from public schools and choosing Islamic schools or homeschooling to ensure that their child’s educational environment remains inclusive and respectful of Islamic beliefs and practices. Parents may wonder: will their children’s education quality suffer from not being in public school? However, there are many examples of scholars who were not educated through the public school system and were accepted in Ivy League universities or went on to build impressive careers with financial stability and social standing. It may take a little effort to seek out qualified teachers or private schools to help in the journey, however if it saves your child’s faith and dignity, it is well worth the endeavor. 

Alternatively, parents can contact their school district collectively expressing concerns and requesting that the schools should take the following steps:

1. Clearer Guidelines for Bible Instruction: Bible courses should only be taught strictly from an academic perspective, focusing on the historical, cultural, and literary aspects of the text. Teachers should be trained to avoid promoting any religious viewpoint and should include discussions on how different religions, including Islam, view religious texts.
2. Curriculum Diversity: To ensure that Muslim students (and students of other faiths) feel included and respected, schools should aim for a more balanced curriculum that incorporates world religions and their foundational texts, including the Quran. This would allow for a broader understanding of global religious traditions and foster a more inclusive environment.
3. Cultural Sensitivity Training: Teachers should be educated about the diverse religious backgrounds of their students, and schools should provide training on how to handle sensitive topics related to religion in the classroom. This would help create an environment of mutual respect and understanding, where students of all faiths feel valued.
4. Opt-out Policies and Support: Schools should make it clear that students are not required to participate in Bible classes and should offer alternative options for students who choose to opt out. This will help avoid feelings of exclusion and ensure that students’ religious rights are respected.

Shaimaa Zayan (CAIR-Texas) adds that the Texas SBOE’s approval of a Bible-infused curriculum for public schools should ensure inclusivity and provide equal space for other religions. She adds that the curriculum should remain neutral and provide equal space for historical materials rooted in other religions and ideologies. 

The key word is “should”. Will the district schools and teachers be concerned with respecting religious beliefs and practices or are we just expressing concerns that fall on deaf ears?

Baheejah Fareed is a writer, educator, consultant, and wellness coach located in Texas.

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